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Media Update 2008/12
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
May 18, 2008

Comment
MMPZ is deeply concerned that following the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's declaration announcing June 27 as the date for the presidential election run-off, the authorities have swiftly responded with extrajudicial measures to ensure that the country's national public broadcaster, ZBC, (Zimbabwe's only broadcasting authority) campaigns solely for President Mugabe ahead of his election contest with MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

All public media - that is those funded by the taxpayer - are duty bound to provide fair and impartial coverage of all news and opinion, especially during an election, and should not discriminate against any political party. Domestic electoral laws and regional guidelines governing the conduct of democratic elections underpin this crucial role of the public media.

However, during the week, The Financial Gazette (15/5) and Zimbabwe Independent (16/5) reported that the ZBH board governing the operations of ZBC had fired its chief executive officer, Henry Muradzikwa, allegedly for resisting government pressure to circumvent the country's laws demanding equitable coverage of election contestants.
The Independent reported that Muradzikwa had been fired for "defying an order" by outgoing Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu and permanent secretary George Charamba to "deny positive coverage to the MDC on either radio or television". Citing unnamed sources, the paper claimed Ndlovu had ordered ZBC to ensure a media blackout on the MDC as well as barring the party from placing adverts with the broadcaster until after the run-off. The paper reported that Muradzikwa's refusal to take orders from Ndlovu and Charamba, insisting that he first needed clearance from the ZBH board, had angered the two officials who felt "undermined", resulting in them instructing the board to fire him.

The Independent quoted Muradzikwa refuting allegations that he was responsible for ZANU PF's loss in the March 29 elections, saying "I religiously stuck to the statutes governing our operations as a broadcaster as given in the amended Broadcasting Services Act. Nobody had the right to instruct me on how to act as this was outside law." Although The Herald and Chronicle (15/5) reported Muradzikwa's sacking, they did not give any reasons.

MMPZ believes this blatant government interference in the affairs of ZBC constitutes a gross contempt for the country's electoral laws and seriously undermines access to the electorate by the winner of the March 29 presidential poll (Morgan Tsvangirai) at a particularly critical time of the second election campaign. Equally deplorable is ZEC's silence on the matter. According to broadcasting regulations and recent amendments to the Electoral Act, ZEC is mandated to monitor the media's coverage of the election campaign to ensure fair and equitable exposure of all contesting parties. These laws provide legal force to regional guidelines for the performance of the media during elections.

MMPZ therefore calls on the electoral authorities to put an end to the illegal government meddling in ZBC's programming and the government-controlled papers, and insist that they enforce their mandate to ensure fair and equitable coverage of the political contestants in the forthcoming election. Their responsibility to fulfill this duty is reinforced by the fact that no alternative broadcasters or daily papers exist in the country.

Post-election focus
THE government-controlled media carried 125 reports on Zimbabwe's post-election crisis: political violence (59), election administration (25), and political party campaigns (41). These reports either censored or grossly distorted prevalent reports in the private media of state-sanctioned violence against suspected opposition supporters across the country. By ignoring the existence of the evidently brutal atrocities committed against innocent civilians, the government media was able to avoid assessing the impact of the violence on the electorate. Only the private media provided informed coverage of the subject in 148 stories, 95 of which were on political violence, poll management (41) and party campaigns (12).

Political violence
The government media gave a totally distorted picture of widespread post-election violence, relying mainly on official handouts blaming the MDC despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. Consequently, all 18 incidents of violence they recorded solely identified ZANU PF supporters as victims, while fingering MDC activists as offenders.
Nothing was said about widespread claims of government-sponsored retribution against MDC supporters, allegedly spearheaded by ZANU PF militias, war veterans and state security agents. ZTV (13/ 5, 6pm &14/5, 8pm), for example, reported suspected MDC supporters as having torched homes in Mhangura and business premises belonging to a ZANU PF official in Kadoma. In another incident, Spot FM (17/5, 8am) and ZTV (17/5, 8pm) recorded suspected MDC "hooligans" as having burnt property at a farm in Bindura.

Apart from quoting police confirming these incidents, ZTV (17/5, 8pm) recorded the shadowy pro-ZANU PF organisation, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Justice, describing the attacks as "a Western agenda to initiate regime change" and "advocated for the imposition of a state of emergency". However, ZBC did not give those accused the right to respond to these claims.

In another story, The Herald and Chronicle (14/5) downplayed a plea by the United Nations Country Team in Zimbabwe to government to put an end to the "escalating" violence, "inflicted mainly" on MDC's rural supporters. They merely celebrated the UNCT's observations of "reports indicating that MDC supporters are also resorting to violence and intimidation", which they claimed came "amid reports" of the arrest of at least 27 suspected MDC activists in Karoi for allegedly stoning a ZANU PF information centre and assaulting party supporters. In addition, the papers used the fact that the UNCT had "received unconfirmed reports of two deaths due to the violence" to dismiss the MDC's claims that "ZANU PF and state agents had killed more than 20 of its supporters".

The government media also grossly distorted news of the police intercepting a "fact-finding mission" by United States Ambassador to Zimbabwe, James McGee, and five other diplomats, including the British and Japanese ambassadors, the European Union's head of mission and Tanzania's deputy head of mission, to Mashonaland Central to probe reports of violence. The Herald's story, ' . . . McGee breaches diplomatic protocol' (14/5) censored news that several other senior diplomats had accompanied the American and presented the visit as a failed attempt in his "spirited campaign to demonise the Government ahead of the presidential election run-off". The paper claimed that McGee had wanted to travel to Centenary "where he intended to visit hospitals" that MDC-T claimed were treating victims of violence committed by ZANU PF and Government agents. It claimed that he had "however" been stopped at a police roadblock near Glendale and "argued with the police for an hour" before being "escorted back to Harare".

But as the world media reported later, McGee and the diplomatic entourage had been intercepted on their return from visiting victims of violence at two hospitals in the Mvurwi area and had made its own way back to the capital. The Herald also claimed, on the strength of the observations of unnamed "insiders", that the presence of several "hired" journalists from the private media in the ambassador's convoy "appeared to confirm suspicions that the 'fact finding missions' have largely been stage-managed to come up with 'cooked-up evidence' of political violence as claimed by MDC-T". The paper made no attempt to obtain a comment from McGee himself or establish whether he and the other diplomats had actually found evidence of political violence.

Earlier, The Herald (12/5) attempted to discredit an open letter to the paper from McGee claiming a systematic state-sponsored campaign of violence intended to intimidate opposition supporters before the run-off. The letter, published alongside an editorial rebuking the ambassador's views, alleged that the violence had so far resulted in at least 20 deaths and the hospitalisation of over 200 people. But instead of providing any rational response to the letter, the editorial accused McGee of unbecoming behaviour and of breaching diplomatic procedure by speaking publicly on the violence instead of communicating his concerns to government.

In their efforts to portray government as being committed to curbing violence, the official media carried a number of reports suggesting that the authorities were taking some action. For example, one report cited a vague police announcement that they had "dismantled political bases" in Masvingo Province without identifying who had set them up (The Herald, 13/5 & Spot FM, 13/5, 8pm). Similarly, Radio Zimbabwe (13/5, 8pm & ZTV 14/5, 8pm) hazily reported police as having arrested 34 people in the same province in connection with violence, which included assaults, arson and murder without indicating the political affiliation of the suspects, or bothering to investigate the murder.

Only the private media highlighted the extent of the violence. They recorded 58 incidents, most of which identified state security agents, youth militia and ZANU PF supporters for being responsible, while the victims were mostly perceived to be MDC supporters. They also carried heart-rending first-hand accounts accompanied by horrific pictures of mutilated bodies of some of the victims to support their claims. These media also reported the MDC claiming that eight more of its supporters had been murdered during the week, bringing to 32 the number of people killed since the March 29 elections. These included the alleged murder of MDC activist Beta Chokururama in Murehwa, village headman Elias Kahari in Shamva and an elderly woman in Uzumba by suspected ZANU PF activists (Studio 7, 13 & 14/5 and The Standard, 18/5). However, most of these reports lacked independent verification, or police comment.

The private media also recorded regional and international condemnation of the violence, which they argued would render it impossible for next month's vote to be free and fair. For example, The Financial Gazette (15/5) and the Zimbabwe Independent (16/5) reported that SADC was pushing for another extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe. The Gazette quoted an unnamed African diplomat saying: "We have put feelers out as SADC on a suitable date because we cannot allow this to continue. The presidential stalemate has to be concluded before bodies litter Harare streets."
The Independent reported that South African President, Thabo Mbeki had confronted Mugabe during his recent visit to Zimbabwe on the post-election violence after a probe team he sent to Zimbabwe uncovered "shocking evidence of largely state-sponsored brutality against opposition supporters in the rural areas." It reported that since the Mugabe/Mbeki meeting, government and ZANU PF have been issuing statements deploring violence. The Gazette also reported that the United Nations was seeking permission to assess the extent of post-election violence as the situation was "reaching crisis levels".

Electoral administration
The government media did not question the authorities' delay in holding the run-off nor assess their readiness to hold it. Instead, they fed the public with official statements justifying the delay citing the need to raise adequate financial resources. In addition, they turned a blind eye to the evident hijacking of the Zimbabwe Election Commission's duties by ZANU PF officials, unquestioningly reporting them making electoral administration pronouncements on behalf of the commission. For example, ZTV (13/5, 8pm) quoted ZANU PF's media sub-committee chairman, Patrick Chinamasa, seemingly preparing the nation for the commission's eventual extension of the run-off date by 90 days by saying the commission could extend the date "after taking into account the need to mobilize necessary resources".

Similarly, there was no highlighting the coincidence of ZEC's announcement of the run-off date with earlier meetings of ZANU PF's Politburo and Central Committee. Instead, ZBC (16/5, 8pm) passively quoted ZEC chairman, George Chiweshe, announcing June 27 as the date for the run-off and that by-elections in three House of Assembly seats would be held concurrently without assessing ZEC's capacity to manage the poll. Spot FM (17/5, 1pm) and ZTV (17/5, 8pm) also quoted Mugabe "paying tribute" to ZEC for allegedly "staying resolute in the face of Western attempts to overrun the country" without demonstrating how.

The private media gave expression to widespread criticism of ZEC's delay in holding the run-off and questioned its capacity to effectively hold the election. They quoted opposition officials and analysts interpreting the delay as government's ploy to buy time to commit violence against the people as a way of coercing them to vote for ZANU PF. The Financial Gazette (15/5) for example, viewed the extension of the dates beyond the 21-day deadline as an attempt by ZANU PF to "spruce up its image in the eyes of the electorate" through measures such as the liberalisation of the foreign currency trade and the scrapping of duty on food imports.

SW Radio Africa (15/5) cited MDC secretary-general Tendai Biti saying the delay "demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt" that Mugabe "did not intend to surrender power and will do anything . . . to hold on." Studio 7 (12/5) and ZimOnline (15/5) reported US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, calling on Harare to allow the international community to observe the run-off and ensure equitable media coverage of both candidates and "greater transparency".

Campaigns
The government papers failed to give fair and balanced coverage of the parties' campaigns ahead of the June 27 presidential run-off. They devoted 41 stories to ZANU PF campaigns and none on the MDC. These reports passively quoted ZANU PF officials claiming, without providing any evidence, that Zimbabweans must vote for Mugabe, as voting for the MDC was tantamount to returning the country to former colonial power, Britain and her allies. Spot FM (12/5, 1pm) and ZTV (12/5, 6pm), for example, recorded ZANU PF political commissar Elliot Manyika telling supporters in Mutare North that the run-off was an opportunity for Zimbabweans to "stand up" and "defend the country's revolutionary gains from imperialists".

However, while the government papers reported ZANU PF's Central Committee meeting where they prominently quoted Mugabe urging his party to work hard for victory, they censored the MDC's weekend rally at White City Stadium in Bulawayo. The Herald (17/5) and The Sunday Mail (18/5) carried three adverts apiece from ZANU PF, thanking the electorate for voting peacefully in the March 29 polls. There were none from the MDC. The government papers carried 16 editorials all maligning the opposition party and the West.

Only the private Press gave unadulterated accounts of MDC activities. For example, while The Standard (18/5) reported that MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who was supposed to have addressed the Bulawayo rally, had failed to return home after the party had allegedly uncovered a plot to assassinate him, The Sunday Mail reported the matter in the context of a dismissal. It quoted an unnamed government official saying the assassination claim was "absolutely baseless and frivolous" and that Tsvangirai was seeking "cheap political mileage".

Figs 1 and 2 show the sourcing patterns in the official media.

Fig 1: Voice distribution on ZBC

Fig 2: Voice distribution in the government papers

Fig 3 shows the sourcing patterns in the private Press.

Fig 3: Voice distribution in the private Press

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