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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Electoral
issues
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2008-2
Monday January 14th - Sunday January 20th, 2008
January 25, 2008
There was no improvement
in the government media's coverage of electoral issues during
the week. All 63 stories on the matter continued to gloss over the
authorities' controversial preparations for the March elections;
failed to report impartially on the campaigns of the ruling party
and the opposition, and barely gave any attention to cases of electoral
irregularities and politically motivated violence. Of these, 31
appeared on ZBC and government papers published 32. Only the private
media made attempts to report holistically on the electoral issues
in 41 reports: private electronic media (25) and private papers
(16).
Political
rallies/campaigns
The
government media devoted 51 stories to party political campaigns:
ZANU PF (43), MDC (seven) and the little-known African National
Party (ANP) led by Egypt Dzinemunhenzva (one). However, only the
activities of the ruling party and ANP got favourable coverage while
those of the MDC were portrayed in bad light. For example, while
they updated their audiences on ZANU PF's poll preparations,
such as its proposed primaries to select candidates, there was no
corresponding information regarding the MDC's activities.
Instead, all their reports on the opposition MDC projected it as
rebellious, hypocritical and violent. For example, the government
Press projected the stalemate in the SADC-backed talks between ZANU
PF and the MDC - aimed at resolving the country's political
and economic crises through, among others, the holding of credible
elections - as caused by the MDC's insincerity.
The Herald and Chronicle
and all ZBC stations (17/1), for instance, presented the current
standoff in the inter-party talks as having been caused by the MDC's
sudden insistence on a new constitution before the elections, prompting
talks mediator President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa to fly into
the country to resolve the dispute.
Spot FM (17/1,
1&8pm) epitomised the official media's position: "The
MDC wants a new constitution even if it means doing so without consulting
the people . . . ZANU PF says the necessary democratic channels
should be followed to ensure democracy is observed". No clear
details were given on why the MDC would insist on a new constitution
if it was not part of the agreement between the two parties. Neither
did they remind their audiences that ZANU PF had not consulted the
nation when they solicited the MDC's support for the enactment
of Amendment
No.18, which contains fundamental electoral reforms, including
an increase in the number of constituencies and senatorial seats.
By the weekend
The Sunday Mail (20/1) accused the MDC of being reluctant to conclude
the inter-party talks with ZANU PF, saying it did not want to be
perceived as endorsing two clauses on sanctions and land reforms
contained in the "tentative" agreement between the two.
Quoting unnamed sources, it claimed that the MDC "did not
want to be seen to be opposing Western policies on Zimbabwe".
Such distorted coverage also manifested itself in the way the official
media reported the MDC's proposed march dubbed "Freedom
March for a New Zimbabwe", aimed at pressuring government
to agree on a new constitution before the elections. The Herald
and Chronicle (17/1) merely dismissed the event as "mischievous"
and a "Jay Walk" whose "stated objectives were
at variance with the real objectives of the march" without
remotely trying to analyse the point of the protest.
Further, there
was no reconciliation of the planned demonstration with ZANU PF's
Million-Man March
conducted last November in support of President Mugabe's candidature
in the presidential election, which the government media uncritically
praised as an indication of Mugabe's popularity. Only the
private media accorded space to other contesting parties. For example,
there was no malice in their coverage of the MDC's planned
street march. In fact, Studio 7 (15/1) and The Standard (20/1) reminded
their audiences that it was on the basis of the promise of a new
constitution that the party had agreed to support the 18th Amendment.
In addition, the private
media exposed how the ruling party was abusing relief aid distribution
in flood-hit areas of the country by using them as an opportunity
to campaign for the ruling party. SW Radio (16/1), for example,
reported that some senior party leaders were "holding impromptu
rallies" in the affected areas "telling villagers the
aid is coming from ZANU PF". It recorded Manyika as having
said at one of the rallies in Mashonaland Central: "You have
seen that the party leadership has its people at heart. We have
been hit by this national disaster and we have acted swiftly to
provide aid."
The private media also
assessed the credibility, timing and likely effects of a prospective
new "break-away" party reportedly led by ZANU PF Politburo
member, Simba Makoni. While SW Radio Africa and New Zimbabwe (15/1)
believed that it would not stand a chance owing to, among other
things, its delayed launch, New Zimbabwe (17/1) quoted an unnamed
source justifying its timing, saying "anything earlier than
now would have been the wrong time". But constitutional lawyer
and NCA chairman, Lovemore Madhuku, told SW Radio (15/1) that Makoni's
party consisted a "group of legendary cowards . . . who lack
the courage to confront Mugabe".
Administration
The
government media's 10 reports on the subject failed to provide
informed coverage on the country's electoral process by passively
regurgitating the authorities' positive pronouncements on
their readiness to hold elections. For example, there was no useful
analysis of the delimitation report presented to President Mugabe
by the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC). Coverage on the matter
was limited to just reporting official observations on the report.
TV (16/1, 8pm) and The Herald (17/1) passively reported Mugabe describing
the report as an "excellent piece of work" without questioning
how he had arrived at such a conclusion when the report had just
been handed over to him.
Besides, no
comment was sought from civic society, opposition parties and independent
electoral watchdogs such as the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network (ZESN) on the exercise. In fact, The
Herald (17/1) seemed to discourage any discussions on the matter
when it claimed that there was "no need to debate over the
report as ZEC is understood to have consulted all parties during
the preparations of the report". These "parties"
were not mentioned.
It was against
this background that none of the government media dared question
the credibility of the delimitation exercise, considering that it
was based on a voters' roll that has always been criticised
for being in a shambles. Neither did they report on, let alone question,
the logistics on other election mechanics such as voter registration,
voter education and staffing levels of the electoral body. The private
media performed better in their coverage of the topic. They continued
to expose the deficiencies in the administration of the polls in
12 reports they devoted to the issue.
For example
The Standard (20/1) quoted MDC anti-Senate MDC official Ian Makone
arguing that the "whole delimitation method was fraudulent
because it was based on a flawed process" adding that the
new constituencies had been demarcated in a way that favours ZANU
PF despite their protestations.
The opposition party
claimed ZEC had attached some urban areas to rural areas "in
a bid to neutralise the opposition party's urban dominance".
Areas mostly affected by this were said to be Mutare, Harare and
Bulawayo. For example, the MDC claimed that several suburban areas
of Mutare such as Fan Valley, Yeovil and Greenside had now been
attached to nearby rural areas to "dilute" the MDC's
urban influence.
Political
violence
None
of the media recorded any incidents of politically motivated violence
in the week. However, The Financial Gazette carried a ZESN report
that recorded eight incidents of intimidation, deception, vote buying
and abuse of traditional leaders and state resources by ZANU PF
in an effort to coerce the rural electorate to vote for them in
the March plebiscite. The government media ignored these issues,
restricting themselves to mainly covering police warning political
parties to desist from violence.
It was against this background
that Spot FM (16/1, 8pm) failed to view as blatant abuse of a civic
gathering, a call by Mashonaland East governor Ray Kaukonde for
people in rural areas to "rally behind ZANU PF in the polls"
during a donation of medical equipment to Murehwa Hospital by the
Life Ministries church organisation.
The lopsided
manner in which the official media handled the matter is shown by
their reliance on government and ZANU PF voices. See Figs 1 and
2.
Fig
1: Voice distribution on ZBC
| Govt |
ZANU
PF |
ZEC |
Police |
Foreign
Dignitaries |
|
2 |
27 |
2 |
5 |
2 |
Fig
2: Voice distribution in the government Press
| Govt |
ZANU PF |
Opposition |
Foreign
dignitaries |
MDC |
War veterans |
Unnamed |
ZEC |
|
12 |
16 |
1 |
3 |
3 |
2 |
3 |
1 |
The private
media discriminated against ZANU PF voices as shown in Figs 3 and
4.
Fig 3: Voice
distribution in the private electronic media
| Govt |
ZANU PF |
MDC |
Opposition |
Alternative |
Lawyers |
Foreign |
Unnamed |
|
3 |
1 |
15 |
2 |
10 |
1 |
4 |
1 |
Fig 4: Voice
distribution in the private Press
| MDC |
Alternative |
ZEC |
Foreign
Dignitaries |
|
7 |
3 |
1 |
5 |
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