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Electoral
issues
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2008-1
Monday January 7th - Sunday January 16th, 2008
January 17, 2008
As the New Year opened
and the countdown to the harmonised presidential, parliamentary
and council elections in March began, there was still precious little
useful information in the official media regarding their preparations.
For example, none of their 29 reports during the week (ZBC [15]
and official papers [14]) provided useful insight into the organisation
and management of the elections or gave equitable coverage to the
campaign activities of the different contestants. These media's
failure to give reasonable access to all contesting parties, for
example, contravened the SADC principles and guidelines on the conduct
of democratic elections. These principles declare that all political
parties contesting elections should be given equal access to the
state (publicly funded) media.
ZBC also ignored
the spirit of its own guidelines under the Broadcasting
Act, which require that broadcasting stations grant "reasonable
and equal opportunities for the broadcasting of election matter
to all political parties contesting the election". Only the
private media tried to give balanced coverage of the preparations
and raised the importance of transparent and accessible pre-election
procedures in the 39 monitored stories. Of these, 18 appeared in
the private electronic media and 21 in Print.
a) Political
rallies/campaigns
All
the government media's 20 reports on political parties'
campaign activities focussed exclusively on ZANU PF and ignored
the preparations of other parties.
In fact, with polling
due in just over two months, the state broadcaster has only aired
the opinions of government and ruling party officials and has not
attempted to obtain the opinions of competing political parties
and candidates, thereby depriving the electorate of important information
that could influence the way people will vote.
ZBC simply restricted
itself to the promotion of the ruling party's activities.
For example, ZTV (9/1,8pm) gave the top story slot to ZANU PF National
Political Commissar Elliot Manyika merely calling on "aspiring
candidates and party members to gear up for the primary elections"
without attempting to balance this with news of how opposition parties
were faring.
There was also no attempt
to question the timing of ZANU PF donations of agricultural inputs
such as fertiliser to villagers during a party function (ZTV 7/1,
6pm). The government papers adopted the same attitude. The private
media gave more balanced coverage of the different parties'
electoral preparations in 16 stories on campaign-related activities:
ZANU PF (5), MDC (10) and ZAPU (1). They exposed ZANU PF's
vote-buying tactics with The Standard (13/1) reporting, for example,
how the party was politicising grain distribution in Matabeleland.
b) Administrative
issues
The
government media papered over the authorities' controversial
poll preparations. Their six stories on the topic did not question
the alleged militarization of the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC),
the contentious execution of the delimitation and voter registration
exercises and the implications of President Mugabe's refusal
to postpone the elections to provide more time for the implementation
of the resolutions of the SADC-backed talks between ZANU PF and
the MDC. For example, the government media did not question the
late completion of the delimitation of wards and constituencies
and its impact on political parties' preparations. There was
also no information on the organisation and management of the coming
polls; who is eligible to vote, what identification is needed, the
number of polling stations required to conduct the multiple elections
successfully, or the quantity and nature of those required to adequately
staff the stations.
The Herald (14/1) confined
itself to official pronouncements and quoted Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa announcing that the delimitation report "was ready"
and "would be presented to President Mugabe early in the week".
He blamed "erratic power cuts" for its delayed compilation.
Earlier, the paper and the Chronicle (12/1) dismissed MDC concerns
about the opaque nature of the electoral process as "hypocritical
as all these issues had been agreed on with opposition negotiators . . . "
as if the need to inform the public counted for nothing. For example,
the papers alleged, without providing evidence, that the opposition
party's call for the elections' postponement "was
an instruction from (the West) . . . to give them time to reunite
and come up with a proper campaign".
ZBC did not carry any
reports on administrative electoral processes.
More informed coverage
only appeared in the private media, which devoted 19 reports to
the issue: private electronic media [nine] and private papers [10].
The reports
largely exposed flaws in the administration of the polls, condemned
by the opposition, local and regional election watchdogs as not
conducive for the holding of a free and fair plebiscite. For example,
Studio 7 (7/1) reported the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network (ZESN) and the Electoral
Institute of Southern Africa (EISA) complaining that the government
was keeping the electorate in the dark about important election
issues. It quoted EISA contending that ZEC had "no mandate
to determine" that elections be held in March considering
that the ZANU PF/MDC talks were still not over, adding that there
should be an investigation into how constituency delimitation had
been conducted if "stakeholders remained disgruntled with
the process".
The private media also
reported MDC resistance to ZEC's refusal to postpone the March
polls citing the on-going talks. New Zimbabwe (7/1) recorded the
opposition party accusing government of trying to "rig"
the election "through a biased and opaque voter registration
that sought to disenfranchise the young population and urban voters
where the opposition enjoys majority support". The Standard
also lamented government's preparations, citing ZESN arguing
that holding elections in March "would not give adequate time
to put in place all logistical requirements such as voter education".
c) Political
Violence
Only
the private media reported on politically motivated violence in
the week, recording two incidents. The Zimbabwean (10/1) reported
the assault on Christmas Eve of a suspected MDC supporter Charles
Sigauke by state security agents in Chimanimani and his subsequent
death the following day; while The Standard reported ZANU PF youths
as having attacked MDC members who were on their way to a rally
in Mbare last Saturday.
However, The Standard
report lacked police confirmation. In addition, SW Radio Africa
(7/1) revealed that ZANU PF was forcing traditional chiefs in "most"
parts of the Midlands to take charge of the party's cell and
branch structures "in an attempt to coerce villagers to vote"
for the ruling party. The government media avoided these developments,
confining themselves to reporting appeals, mainly by the police,
for peaceful campaigning. The different manner in which the official
and private media covered electoral issues is reflected in their
sourcing patterns (Figs 1 to 3).
Fig 1: Voice
Distribution on ZBC
Fig 2: Voice distribution
in the government Press
ZANU
PF
|
Govt |
ZEC |
Opposition |
ZRP |
|
6 |
4 |
3 |
3 |
2 |
Fig 3: Voice
Distribution in the private electronic media
| ZANU PF |
Govt |
ZEC |
Alternative |
MDC |
Other Opposition |
ZRP |
War vets |
Foreign
Diplomats |
|
2 |
2 |
2 |
6 |
11 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
2 |
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