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Water
crisis
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2007-33
Monday August 20th 2007 - Sunday August 26th 2007
August 30, 2007
Poor service
delivery, characterized by severe water shortages in some urban
centres, received some media attention during the week. The government
media carried 50 stories on the topic (ZBC [19], government papers
[31]), while the private Press and the private electronic media
featured eight stories apiece. Although the government media gave
extensive coverage to the water problems, especially in Harare and
Bulawayo, this did not translate into an informed analysis of the
root causes of the disaster. For example, they papered over the
government-run Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa)'s
failure to provide a reliable service by either simplistically blaming
it on its inheritance of a crumbling water and sewerage infrastructure;
or in Bulawayo's case, on the city's refusal to surrender
these facilities to the authorities.
The government
media's piecemeal coverage of the water crisis was compounded
by the fact that most of their reports depended almost exclusively
on government views. Consequently, there was no reconciling the
official position with the situation on the ground. For example,
these media failed to question Zinwa's capacity to supply
adequate clean water to towns, particularly when it was reportedly
already failing to provide raw bulk water to dams (Spot FM current
affairs 23/8 & 24/8). Neither did they relate this inability
to previous parliamentary and government reports pointing out the
same weaknesses. Instead, the Chronicle in its 12 stories passively
amplified government blaming Bulawayo City Council's resistance
to hand over water and sewer reticulation to Zinwa as the source
of the water crisis in the city while presenting the authorities'
intervention as the panacea to the problem.
For example,
the paper (23/8) reported Water and Infrastructural Development
Minister Munacho Mutezo accusing the Bulawayo council of having
"polluted" water in the Khami Dam, adding that government
"would not intervene in the water problems facing the city
until the local authority allowed Zinwa to take over" However,
the next day the paper (24/8) passively reported Mutezo contradicting
himself, saying government had always intervened and "continues
to intervene whenever there is a water problem in Bulawayo".
It was in this
context that it quoted him saying government had allocated resources
to Zinwa so it could start work on the Mtshabezi-Mzingwane pipeline
project and the rehabilitation of boreholes at the Nyamandlovu Aquifer
to alleviate Bulawayo's water problems. Why the resources
had been allocated to Zinwa and not the council was not said or
explained. And neither did ZTV or Spot FM (23/8, 7am), which carried
the same report.
The official
media's coverage of the water crisis in Harare followed a
similar pattern. They presented government as striving to ease the
problem, as exemplified by news of it allocating $100 billion to
Zinwa. No attempts were made to examine whether the money was enough
and how it would be spent. Instead, The Herald (21/8) glossed over
Zinwa's failure to deliver efficient water and sewerage services
by carrying an editorial that blamed previous councils for the crisis,
saying these had failed to refurbish existing water and sewage works
or build new ones. No comment was sought from those it accused.
However, to their credit the government media carried five stories
highlighting the extent of human suffering caused by the water crisis
and the malfunctioning sewerage system. These included follow-ups
on the recent outbreak of diarrhoea in urban centres, which they
cited council attributing to "persistent sewer blockages and
erratic water supplies" (The Herald 20/8 and Spot FM 20/8,
8am).
In addition,
the government papers carried several pictures showing people either
queuing or fetching water from unprotected water sources. In fact,
the Chronicle (22/8) exposed the gravity of the water shortages
in Bulawayo when it reported that some people were selling water
to desperate residents - some of whom had reportedly gone
for two weeks without it - at prices ranging from $25 000-$100
000 per 25 litres.
Despite giving
prominence to the suffering of residents caused by the water crisis,
the government media still shied away from exploring government's
culpability in the matter. This was reflected in their scarce use
of alternative voices (Figs 1 and 2) to examine the soundness of
government's commitment to addressing the water crisis.
Fig 1 Voice
distribution on ZBC
Ordinary
people |
Local
govt |
Professional
|
Govt |
15 |
6 |
4 |
13 |
Fig 2: Voice
distribution in government-controlled Press
Govt |
Business |
Local
Govt |
Professional |
Ordinary
people |
Alternative |
Unnamed |
12 |
3 |
12 |
4 |
19 |
2 |
1 |
The private
media, unlike the government ones, failed to give a comprehensive
picture of human suffering due to the water crisis. They only carried
two reports relating to this: one on a demonstration at the Zinwa
district offices by women in Glen Norah in protest against "serious"
injuries sustained by a disabled child after falling in sewage (SW
Radio Africa 20/8) and another on the sale of water in Bulawayo
(Zimbabwe Times 24/8 and The Standard 26/8). But they categorically
blamed the water shortages on government's ill-planning. For
example, The Standard (26/8) noted that government had failed to
establish an alternative water source in Bulawayo since 1976, including
failing "to provide funding for the rehabilitation of boreholes
at Nyamandlovu Aquifer".
Earlier, the
Zimbabwe Independent's columnist Eric Bloch (24/8) expressed
similar views, observing that "the Zimbabwean infrastructure
for servicing the country's water needs is catastrophically
poor" while the Zimbabwe Times (24/8) argued that wherever
Zinwa has assumed control, it has been "disastrous".
The sourcing patterns of the private electronic media are shown
in Figs 3 and 4.
Fig 3: Voice
distribution in private Press
Govt |
Local
govt |
Business |
Ordinary
people |
Unnamed |
1 |
4 |
1 |
2 |
3 |
Fig. 4 Voice
distribution in private electronic media
Govt |
Alternative |
MDC |
Local
Govt |
Other
Opposition |
4 |
2 |
3 |
2 |
1 |
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