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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Price Controls and Shortages - Index of articles
Crackdown
follow-up
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2007-30
Monday July 31st 2007 - Sunday August 5th 2007
August 09, 2007
The government
media continued to steer clear of the confusion characterising government's
clampdown on business. Nearly all 76 reports they carried on the
topic (official Press [49] and ZBC [27]) simply rehashed official
pronouncements justifying the exercise and avoided addressing the
chaos inherent in the price-cutting crusade.
As a result,
their audiences remained uninformed about how government planned
to deal effectively with acute shortages of fuel and beef after
it banned the private sector's participation in favour of
state enterprises, the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim)
and the Cold Storage Company (CSC).
For example,
there was no clarity on whether Noczim had already reassumed its
monopoly or whether it was coping with demand. Neither was there
any follow-up on the fate of the fuel coupons facility that government
threatened to scrap more than two weeks ago on the grounds that
it was fuelling the black market.
Except for The
Sunday Mail (5/8), the official media also failed to examine the
CSC's capacity to meet national demand for beef. For example,
The Herald and Chronicle (30/7) merely reported that the government-run
abattoir had raised its buying price for cattle from "$3 million
up to $12 million" a beast in a bid to ensure adequate supplies
of beef on the market without explaining why the product still remained
unavailable.
A story carried
by the Chronicle on the same day also failed to interpret revelations
by Vice-President Joice Mujuru that government had decided "to
vet some private abattoirs with a view to allow them to operate
in the hope that this will reduce the shortages" as an admission
of CSC's failure to deliver. Nor did the paper assess the
imprudence of the authorities' decision to close private abattoirs.
However, The
Sunday Mail (5/8) partly exposed this when it carried a story in
which it quoted an unnamed CSC official admitting that "the
company did not have the capacity to supply meat to the whole country"
because it had only four abattoirs countywide.
The government
weekly also noted the confusion surrounding government's annulment
of the law limiting the quantity of basic commodities individuals
are allowed to import. Besides reporting the government as having
repealed the legislation on the basis that it was gazetted "years
ago" and needed reworking so that it would be "user
friendly", the paper exposed the confusion that surrounded
its existence. For example, it noted that while Industry Minister
Obert Mpofu had previously denied the existence of such legislation,
the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority confirmed it during the same period,
saying the authority was "going to implement the instrument
at the beginning of this month".
But while the
official papers reported on these issues, ZBC ignored them, choosing
to swamp its audiences with stories that projected the clampdown
as having successfully stabilised prices and the economy in general.
For example, ZTV (30/7, 7am) and Spot FM (30/7, 8am) quoted Zimbabwe
Tourism Authority boss Karikoga Kaseke claiming that the crackdown
on the sector had "eradicated irregularities in the tourism
sector". He did not explain what these were, and neither was
he asked to. Instead, ZBC narrowly used sporadic deliveries to shops
to paper over severe shortages of basic commodities. For example,
ZTV (2/8, 8pm) showed pictures of stocked OK supermarket shelves
and a long till slip of goods bought by the army commander's
wife, Jocelyn Chiwenga, at Makro Wholesalers as proof that "most
major shops in Harare had restocked".
The currency
of the footage of the OK shelves remained unclear.
In line with
such attempts to suppress the severity of commodity shortages and
their causes ZTV's Face the Nation programme (2/8) did not
seek to establish the truth of claims by police spokesman Oliver
Mandipaka that the shortages were due to "panic buying"
and businesses "deliberately removing goods from shelves to
channel them to the parallel market". Neither did they balance
his claims with business or alternative views. Also in this context
ZTV (2/8, 8pm) simply dismissed observations by MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai that many shops were almost "empty" due to
the price cuts as "efforts by the MDC to discredit the crackdown."
The official media's failure to go beyond official pronouncements
resulted in the Chronicle (2/8) and Spot FM (2/8, 8pm) merely announcing
that government had extended the price blitz to December 2007 without
explaining the original timeframe of the exercise.
The government
media's superficial coverage was illustrated by their failure
to balance the official position with independent views. For instance,
although they sought comment from those outside government as shown
in Figs.1 and 2, these largely endorsed the government position
and avoided any critical examination of the blitz.
Fig. 1 Voice
distribution on ZBC
Govt |
Business |
Zanu
PF |
Police |
Ordinary
people |
7 |
5 |
8 |
2 |
2 |
Fig. 2 Voice
distribution in the government Press
Govt |
Ordinary
people |
Police |
Lawyers |
Alternative |
Unnamed |
Business |
Zanu
PF |
Local
govt |
14 |
7 |
11 |
9 |
6 |
15 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
In contrast,
the private media maintained a dispassionate assessment of the crackdown
in the 30 stories they devoted to the subject. Of these, 20 appeared
in the private papers while the private electronic media carried
the remainder. Besides openly discussing the chaos characterising
the crackdown, they also exposed its negative effects such as the
scarcity of basic commodities.
For example,
while SW Radio Africa (30/7) captured the gravity of shortages in
Bulawayo, The Zimbabwean (2/8) and Zimbabwe Independent (3/8) carried
follow-up analysis on the failure by CSC to supply beef as farmers
continued to hold on to their livestock, saying the prices offered
by the CSC were not viable.
The Standard
(5/8) viewed the price blitz as having reduced Zimbabweans to "modern-day
hunters and gatherers" of basic commodities. In addition,
whereas The Financial Gazette (2/8), The Zimbabwean and the Independent
exposed divisions in Cabinet over the implementation of the exercise,
Studio 7 (30/7) quoted economist John Robertson interpreting government's
decision to repeal legislation on the importation of goods as evidence
that its price control policy was now "backfiring".
And contrary
to the impression created by the official media that the public
was happy with the blitz, Zimdaily.com (2/8) reported the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions secretary-general Wellington Chibebe denouncing
the exercise as having caused "unnecessary and massive job
losses" as many companies had closed due to "unviable
pricing structures".
However, like
the government media, the private media failed to clarify the fate
of the banned fuel coupons. Only the Independent briefly observed
that they had been extended for a year, adding that government "is
in the process of purchasing large quantities of coupons from Caltex
(fuel suppliers)". Similarly, the private papers inadequately
handled the nullification of the import duty statutory instrument.
The Independent, for example, merely referred to the matter in the
context of a meeting between President Mugabe and business representatives
over the government crackdown. It simply noted that the authorities
had repealed the import regulations without giving any further details.
But despite
such failures, the private media tried to balance the official perspective
with views from those outside government as shown in Figs. 3 and
4.
Fig 3 Voice
distribution in the private electronic media
Govt |
Zanu
PF |
Alternative |
Professional |
Foreign
dignitaries |
Business |
Unnamed |
ZCTU |
MDC |
War
veteran |
1 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
3 |
3 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
Fig 4 Voice
distribution in the private Press
Govt |
Unnamed |
Business |
Alternative |
Professional
|
Foreign
dignitaries |
11 |
10 |
4 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
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