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Inadequate
coverage
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2007-28
Monday July 16th 2007 - Sunday July 22nd 2007
July 26, 2007
WHILE the government
media flooded its audiences with reports of Archbishop Pius Ncube's
sexual activities, they either under-reported or censored important
political developments in the country. These included factionalism
within the ruling party over President Mugabe's succession,
developments on the SADC-sanctioned attempts by South African President
Thabo Mbeki to broker a settlement to the Zimbabwe crisis, and updates
on preparations for the 2008 poll.
For example, while the
government papers carried just nine stories on these issues, ZBC
carried only one. Even then, these were piecemeal reports that lacked
informative detail. The Sunday Mail (22/7), for example, only referred
to proposed electoral reforms in the context of the planned debate
on the Constitutional Amendment Bill (Number 18) when Parliament
re-opens on July 24th. No further mention was made about the authorities'
preparations for the elections.
Although ZBC carried
a single story on the matter, this was in the context of ZANU PF
Harare South MP Hubert Nyanhongo's calls on "people
in his constituency" to "take advantage" of the
registration exercise to " . . . register to vote in next
year's harmonised elections" (ZTV, 21/07, 8pm). There
was no attempt to conduct a national audit of the exercise or take
the authorities to task over their failure to publicise it. Neither
did the station seek the views of the political opposition or of
civil society, especially in view of reports from the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network (ZESN) exposing problems plaguing voter registration.
Instead, it carried several mundane stories on ZANU PF activities
that sought to project the ruling party positively.
It was against this background
that the official media censored ZANU PF's succession battles,
which have reportedly divided the party into three rival factions.
Neither did they provide useful updates on Mbeki's search
for an internal settlement to the country's problems. The
Herald and Chronicle (16/7), for example, merely covered the matter
in the form of revelations in the British Parliament that Britain's
new Prime Minister Gordon Brown had asked Mbeki and five other SADC
states about the situation in Zimbabwe.
Details on the exact
nature of the inquiry were not disclosed.
Instead, the papers simply
speculated that it followed SADC's denunciation of Western
sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe and Mugabe's "hope"
that Brown's government "would try to improve"
the "strained" relations between the two countries "over
the land reforms".
Only the private media
updated their audiences about Mbeki's mediation efforts.
Not only did they attribute
the floundering of the talks to ZANU PF's failure to send
its delegation, they also quoted South African official Ronny Mamoepa
saying the ruling party had apologised to his government for failing
to attend the last meeting, adding that efforts were being made
to set a new date for the talks. It was in this context that the
Zimbabwe Independent (20/7) argued that Mbeki, who had postponed
the talks on several occasions following ZANU PF's failure
to turn up for the negotiations, "has nothing tangible"
to present to the SADC leaders at their meeting on August 12.
Studio 7 (16/7) made
similar observations, noting that ZANU PF's failure to attend
meetings had fuelled speculation that "Mbeki's efforts"
were "crumbling".
In addition, the private
media provided some idea of the power struggles within the ruling
party itself. The Zimbabwe Times (20/7), for example, revealed that
contrary to the impression created by the government media that
there was unanimity in ZANU PF over Mugabe's candidature for
the 2008 elections, the party's Masvingo provincial executive
had "now gone back on an earlier endorsement of Mugabe's
bid for re-election".
Reportedly, the executive
now wanted Mugabe to "go through primary elections as stipulated
in the party's election statutes." An unnamed executive
member told the online agency: "Things are very terrible in
the country and we cannot continue to pretend that the situation
is normal", adding, "We want new people with new ideas . . . (because)
the old man has shown that he will never be able to deliver".
The Zimbabwe Independent
(20/7) also revealed that a faction led by Youth Development Minister
Saviour Kasukuwere had allegedly begun "purging senior party
officials in Mashonaland Central suspected of the supporting Vice-President
Joice Mujuru's presidential aspirations" ahead of next
year's elections. Earlier, The Financial Gazette (19/7) viewed
Mugabe's reshuffling of permanent secretaries and heads of
ministerial departments as a "precursor of changes to be made
in more senior positions". These reports were part of the
19 stories the private media carried on the country's political
developments. Of these, 11 appeared in the private Press while the
private electronic media featured eight.
However, like the government
media, the private media also failed to provide informed analysis
of the electoral process, particularly the on-going voter registration
exercise.
Apart from carrying
ZESN's
supplement on the country's electoral framework (The Standard
22/7) and its concerns over the lack of publicity on voter registration
(SW Radio Africa 19/7), the private media largely ignored the subject.
As a result, their audiences remained ignorant about the problems
facing a fundamentally important instrument in the democratic process.
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