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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Price Controls and Shortages - Index of articles
Economic
chaos
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2007-25
Monday June 25th 2007 - Sunday July 1st 2007
July 04, 2007
GOVERNMENT'S latest
ad hoc attempts to stop the country's economic slide and other
related economic issues dominated the media during the week. They
devoted 185 stories to the subject. Of these, 54 appeared on ZBC
and 68 in the government Press. The private electronic media carried
21 reports and private papers featured 42. The private media categorically
viewed the authorities' order for a 50% price reduction on
all commodities and services as economically imprudent and generally
indicative of government's policy deficiencies. The official
media passively endorsed the move, presenting it as the tonic for
the country's ailing economy.
a) Government
crackdown on business
The government
media poorly covered government's purge of businesses on claims
they were championing the West's "illegal" regime
change agenda through unwarranted price hikes. None of their reports
tested the authenticity of the authorities' allegations against
industry. Neither did they assess the economic impact of government's
order for the businesses to slash prices of goods and services by
half and bring them to the pre-June 18th levels, nor interrogate
the authorities' capacity to "nationalise" industries
defying their directive. Further, there were no attempts to investigate
the effects of the price controls on the availability of products
and services or the ramifications of government threats to seize
the alleged offending companies on investor confidence.
Rather, the official
media appeared content in rehashing and amplifying official justification
of the crackdown while masking government's culpability in
the soaring cost of living.
As the week
opened, the official media, exemplified by The Herald (25/6), seemingly
prepared grounds for government's crackdown by continuing
their previous week's portrayal of business as the sole cause
of the country's economic hardships. The paper just noted
that "supermarkets" had "continued increasing
prices" without reconciling the development with the country's
hyperinflation. Although it quoted National Incomes and Pricing
Commission (NIPC) chairman David Govere noting that it "would
be difficult to stabilise prices without addressing other economic
fundamentals", the paper's tone still remained anti-business.
It was hardly
surprising the next day when the paper, the Chronicle (26/2) and
Spot FM and ZTV (26/6, 8pm) passively reported Industry Minister
Obert Mpofu ordering businesses, including publishers of the official
papers (Zimpapers) to immediately halve prices of their products
and services. Besides, they failed to challenge Mpofu to prove his
allegations that the "unjustified" price increases was
"a political ploy engineered by our detractors to effect illegal
regime change . . . (following) the failure of illegal sanctions".
Likewise, all ZBC stations (27/6, 8pm) and government dailies (28/6)
passively reported President Mugabe calling for an immediate stop
to the "nonsense of escalating prices", and adding onto
his minister's conspiracy claims by threatening to "either
nationalise all companies and mines that were involved in the 'dirty
game' of regime change".
None questioned
the abruptness of the government action, especially as it came soon
after government had signed a social contract with labour and business
to collectively resolve the country's economic woes. Neither
did the government media question the logic of extending the price
"freezes" to every industry. Their docile coverage of
the confusion bedevilling government's clampdown was equally
evident in the way ZTV (28/6, 8pm) reported the government dismissal
of NIPC chairman David Govere hardly a month after his appointment.
It passively reported Mpofu saying Govere had been "relieved
of his duties for acting outside the parametres of his mandate"
by entering "an agreement with the National Bakers'
Association without consulting the ministry". No attempt was
made to reconcile Govere's terms of reference with what he
was alleged to have done wrong.
The station simply drowned
the matter in government accusations against businesses, saying
"manufacturers, determined to defy the government directive,
are now reportedly cutting down supplies to retailers in order create
artificial shortages . . . "
The Sunday Mail (1/7)
also narrowly reported Mpofu dismissing observations that government's
price controls were detrimental to the economy, arguing the policy
"would not affect viability at all" as businesses were
effecting "high mark-ups on products" and were "posting
super-profits".
It was against
this background that the paper and its counterparts did not investigate
the losses businesses have incurred since government ordered the
price cuts. Otherwise, the official media simply chronicled the
police and pricing commission's raids on businesses that had
allegedly defied the government order or 'hid' their
goods in warehouses to create artificial commodity shortages. The
Sunday Mail, for instance, merely announced that a ZANU PF senator
and 20 business executives had been "arrested following a
crackdown on over-pricing and hoarding of basic commodities",
without explaining the exact law they had breached. Similarly, ZTV
(29/6, 8pm) gleefully reported on the 'discovery' of
tonnes of stashed sugar by the "price control team"
at Fife Avenue shops, which then ordered the manager to sell it
at the controlled price "much to the delight of the shoppers".
Notably, the shop owner was not identified and neither was he/she
sourced for his/her comments.
While the official
media seemingly celebrated the crackdown on businesses that allegedly
ignored the price cuts order, they did not relate this to Zimpapers'
failure to also reduce its papers' cover prices as ordered.
Although The Herald (26/6) reported Zimpapers boss Justin Mutasa
noting that the company would only reduce the newspapers'
prices if price controls were also "stretched to suppliers
of raw materials, mainly newsprint and printing inks", it
did not view this as criticism of government's lack of basic
economic reasoning. And neither did ZTV investigate the ripple effects
of the price cuts on producers. It just restricted itself to accusing
manufacturers of resorting to "dirty tactics by cutting down
on the quantities of products they are supplying to the market".
Only the private media
exposed the effects of the purge and government duplicity on the
matter. The Financial Gazette (28/6), for example, revealed that
although the authorities were accusing business of unilaterally
hiking prices as part of Western plots to oust government, they
had actually approved "many of the increases" including
that of bread. Reportedly, the NIPC had signed an agreement with
bakers authorizing the bread price hike.
The paper quoted
retailers' representative Willard Zireva dismissing government
claims that shop owners were profiteering saying such allegations
were "unfair" and dishonest as retailers were recording
the "lowest (profit) margin" and only increased prices
in response to "what would have happened on the (supply) chain"
that "includes other players such as manufacturers and transporters".
The Gazette comment also questioned government's attempts
to narrowly blame business for price hikes while ignoring "the
economic carnage caused by its disastrous . . . policies"
and the "cost build-ups in the entire production chain".
Earlier, Studio 7 (26/6)
reported economic analyst Luxon Zembe describing the government
action as "counter-productive and unsustainable" while
MDC's Eddie Cross viewed it as "more evidence that the
Zanu PF regime simply does not have a clue as to how to manage the
economy" (Zimbabwe Times, 26/6). The Zimbabwe Independent
(29/6) agreed, noting that the price reductions were a "populist
move designed to win the hearts and minds of a suffering populace".
It reported business representatives noting that the price hikes
freeze "had created serious distortions in cash-flows"
because government had "put a cap on the prices of products
but failed to deal with workers' wages". Economist Daniel
Ndlela told The Standard (1/7) that the move was likely to "boomerang
on the intended beneficiaries" as workers "will lose
their jobs while consumers would lose the products".
Unlike the official
media, the private Press assessed the implications of Mugabe's
threats against industry. For example, the Independent noted that
if government was to "follow through on the threat"
it "could push out Zimbabwe's few remaining foreign
investors ... and . . . see more Zimbabwean products shut out
of international markets as buyers look for suppliers unhampered
by political problems". The Standard viewed the threats as
meant to "browbeat and intimidate everyone into silent submission
ahead of next year's elections".
b) Indicators
of economic meltdown
The government
media's reluctance to question the effectiveness of government's
economic policies was also evident in the 48 stories they carried
on indicators of economic decay (ZBC [19] and official papers [29]).
These comprised the rise in telecommunications tariffs and interest
rates; and the continued power and water shortages. All the stories
were disjointed and avoided linking the symptoms of the country's
economic ills to government mismanagement. In fact, they simplistically
blamed all those outside government for the problems while presenting
the authorities as vigorously working to address the crisis.
For example, The Manica
Post (29/6) supinely reported Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi
attributing the country's economic troubles to an "economic
attack from the Anglo-Saxon world" that followed "the
land reform", which had "led to the cancellation of
all credit lines".
Earlier, The
Herald (25/6) reported Health Minister David Parirenyatwa making
similar claims. The same day Radio Zimbabwe (1pm) evaded connecting
business representatives' calls on "monetary authorities
to increase the cash withdrawal limits" to government's
inability to tame the hyperinflationary environment.
Such professional passivity
also saw The Herald (29/6) allow Vice President Joice Mujuru to
feign ignorance on the troubles besetting government-run enterprises
saying their managers should inform the authorities about their
problems so "they can get assistance in time".
Notably, the paper did
not view her statements as reflective of government's bad
management of the parastatals.
Except for the
private electronic media's under coverage of the matter (they
carried just two stories), the private papers' 22 stories
on the subject blamed the country's economic woes on government's
ill-conceived policies. For instance, The Zimbabwean (28/6) noted
that the country's seven-year old fuel crisis was due to "foreign
currency shortages, corruption at . . . NOCZIM, ruinous economic
policies and deteriorating diplomatic relations with key countries".
The Independent comment concurred, arguing that the "10 years
of severe recession, which had seen the economy "contract
by 60 percent" was "a direct product of failed agrarian
policies" as well as the "reckless" gratuities
government awarded war veterans causing the crash in the value of
the local currency.
The differences
in the manner in which the media tackled the country's economic
distress were also apparent in their sourcing patterns. For example,
although the government media appeared to have sourced widely as
shown in Fig 1 and 2, most of the commentators were quoted in the
context of supporting official claims on the causes of the country's
economic problems. For example, all members of the public quoted
by ZBC were basically reported welcoming the price clampdown on
business.
Fig. 1 Voice
distribution for government-controlled press
Govt |
Business |
Ordinary
people |
Unnamed |
Alternative |
Police |
Zanu
PF |
MDC |
Foreign |
41 |
18 |
11 |
26 |
11 |
4 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
Fig. 2 Voice
distribution on ZBC
Govt |
Business |
Alternative |
ZRP |
Zanu
PF |
Ordinary
people |
21 |
17 |
3 |
4 |
1 |
26 |
The private
media's critical approach was mirrored by their attempts to
balance the official perspective with alternative views as captured
in Figs 3 and 4.
Fig. 3 Voice
distribution of the private press
Govt |
Business |
Alternative |
Unnamed
|
Ordinary
people |
MDC |
Foreign |
14 |
14 |
10 |
11 |
4 |
3 |
1 |
Fig. 4 Voice
distribution in the private electronic media
Govt |
Business |
Alternative |
Police |
Zanu
PF |
Ordinary
people |
MDC |
6 |
4 |
8 |
2 |
1 |
3 |
2 |
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