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Image
building and political developments
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2007-22
Monday June 4th 2007 - Sunday June 10th 2007
June 14, 2007
ALL media gave
attention to the country's political developments, comprising
progress on South African President Thabo Mbeki's mediation
efforts; concerns on Zimbabwe's bad governance and government
plans to overhaul the country's electoral system. The print
media carried 56 stories on these issues, of which 25 appeared in
the official Press while the private papers featured 41. The private
electronic media carried 13 and ZBC aired 47. However, the government
media selectively gave prominence to reports that simplistically
projected Zimbabwe as having cordial relations with the international
community while suppressing those that showed otherwise. As a result,
their audiences were left with a distorted picture of the country's
soiled international image and regional attempts to address the
problem.
Only the private media
coherently handled the subject.
a) Image
building
ZBC provided
a good example of the government media's determination to
spruce up the country's image during the week. For example,
45 of the 47 stories that it aired on the country's political
developments simplistically interpreted routine official events
such as the presentation of donated equipment by some diplomats
as indicative of the good relations the international community
had with Zimbabwe and its unconditional support of the country.
Only two reflected world displeasure with President Mugabe's
misrule.
Even then, these were
in the context of government's response to widespread denunciation
of its controversial policies.
For instance, Spot FM
and Radio Zimbabwe (4/6, 8pm) presented Pakistan Ambassador Riffat
Iqbal's donation of navigation equipment to the Air Force
of Zimbabwe as reflective of "excellent" relations between
the two countries that "backdate to the liberation struggle".
No background information surrounding the donation was given. Instead,
Spot FM simply presented (4/6, 8am) the announcement by Angolan
Ambassador that his country was "considering scrapping visa
requirements for Zimbabweans" and positive statements made
on the country (9/6, 1pm) by the outgoing Indian Ambassador as other
demonstrations of sound relations between Zimbabwe and the rest
of the world.
Besides using
such diplomatic etiquette to paper over the country's isolation,
the official media also carried several stories on various community
development projects that depicted the authorities as working tirelessly
to improve the public's livelihoods.
It was against such attempts
to sanitize the country's deteriorating socio-economic and
political situation, that the Chronicle (5/6) handily used plans
by the UK-based Lonrho Africa to invest more than 50 million pounds
in Zimbabwe as a "vote of confidence for the country"
and a "slap in the face of outgoing Prime Minister Tony Blair"
and "other detractors", who "have tried to portray
(the country) as an investment risk".
Without viewing Lonrho's
plans as exposing the fallacy of government's incessant claims
that the West had imposed economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, the paper
and The Herald (8/6) passively reported the company claiming that
"it had doubled its planned investment fund" due to
"strong demand from foreign companies and individuals that
are keen to invest in Zimbabwe". No effort was made to corroborate
these claims. Rather, the official media continued to present the
country's troubles and Western criticism of its leadership
as instigated by Blair.
It was in this
context that ZTV (7/6, 8pm), Spot (8/6, 8am) and the official dailies
(8/6) projected the University of Edinburgh's annulment of
an honorary degree it conferred on Mugabe as due to "political
pressure" from Blair. No concrete evidence was provided to
support these allegations save for the observation that Blair had
told the British parliament that he "endorsed" the move
on the eve of the withdrawal of the degree.
Neither did they discuss
the actual reasons behind Edinburgh's move. Instead they drowned
their audiences with Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu's
rhetoric dismissing the development as immaterial. He described
it as a "joke" that did not "perturb" Mugabe
as he had "several earned degrees, and honorary degrees by
world-class universities".
The Sunday Mail (10/6)
then carried a brief biography of Mugabe's academic and political
achievements that was accompanied by a catalogue of his degrees.
It then claimed that "no university" could "take
away" the fact that Mugabe was a "living legend".
It was only the private media that explained the reasons behind
Mugabe's stripping of the degree, a development they interpreted
as a reflection of growing concerns on his bad governance. Studio
7 (6/6), for example, reported the university justifying its decision
on the basis of the country's deepening crisis, saying it
would "not have granted the degree had it known (in 1984)
of Mugabe's role in the death of up to 20,000 people during . . . the
Gukurahundi genocide".
The Zimbabwean
(7/6) and the Zimbabwe Independent (8/6) carried similar reports
with the latter claiming that "several universities worldwide"
were also "mooting" stripping Mugabe of honorary degrees
they awarded him due to his misrule. And contrary to the picture
painted by the official media, the Independent and The Zimbabwe
Times (6/6) carried several stories exposing growing disenchantment
with Mugabe's rule. These included plans by the International
Commission of Jurists to send a delegation to probe reports of the
arrests, detention and beatings of human rights lawyers and the
condemnation of Zimbabwe's repressive media laws by World
Association of Newspapers (WAN).
In fact, Studio 7 (7/6)
revealed that the International Labour Organisation had summoned
Zimbabwe to "appear before its standards committee"
to "respond to charges that it violated human rights."
Reportedly, Harare refused. Earlier, the station (6/6) interpreted
Mbeki and Germany Chancellor Angela Merkel's discussion on
Zimbabwe as another indication of widespread disapproval of the
country's governance.
b) Mbeki
mediation efforts
Again the government
media failed to give informative updates on the SADC-sanctioned
Mbeki efforts to broker an internal settlement to Zimbabwe's
problems. In fact, all their stories on the matter were premised
on bland official endorsements of the initiative and avoided independent
investigations on the matter. Neither did they relate the arbitration
efforts to regional discontent over government's administration
of Zimbabwe and its attempts to rein it in.
For example, ZTV, Spot
FM (6/6, 8pm) and the official dailies (7/6) passively reported
Foreign Affairs Secretary Joey Bimha expressing government's
commitment to ensuring that the SADC initiative was a "success"
without reconciling his statements with private media reports exposing
ruling party's attempts to scupper the process. Neither did
they question the source of Swedish Ambassador Sten Rylander's
optimism that Mbeki would succeed in his mission. Nor did they provide
useful updates on the progress made by the visiting SADC team assessing
the country's economic problems.
Rather, ZTV and Spot
FM (5/6, 8pm) narrowly presented the visit as part of SADC's
dedication to help Zimbabwe overcome the effects of the alleged
economic sanctions imposed by the West.
Only the private
media gave a clue on the progress of Mbeki's mediation and
examined its chances of success. SW Radio Africa (4/6), The Financial
Gazette (7/6) and the Independent, for instance, revealed how ZANU
PF had already started stalling the mediation initiative after its
chief negotiators Ministers Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche
reportedly failed to turn up for a "key meeting" with
the MDC delegation in Pretoria. The Independent quoted unnamed sources
claiming Mbeki had to "contact Mugabe" over the matter
after his "frantic efforts to contact the two" failed.
Besides, the Gazette highlighted South Africa's anxiety on
the negative effects of ZANU PF succession battles on Mbeki's
mediation, while the Independent revealed issues the opposition
wanted discussed during the negotiations.
c) Constitutional
amendment
The government
media also poorly covered the gazetting of the Constitution
of Zimbabwe Amendment (Number 18) Bill, which - among
other issues - seeks to synchronise presidential and parliamentary
elections, expand the legislature and establish a Human Rights Commission.
While the official papers reported on the matter, ZBC simply ignored
it. Even then, The Herald and Chronicle (9/6) merely reported on
the provisions of the Bill without subjecting them to scrutiny.
For instance, none of
them discussed the underlying implications of the Bill on the country's
electoral process, particularly in view of observers' fears
of gerrymandering by the government-appointed Delimitation Commission
in demarcating constituencies.
Neither did they examine
the independence of the proposed Human Rights Commission, nor how
it would relate to human rights activists' ongoing efforts
to lobby regional and international bodies to censure Zimbabwe for
gross human rights violations. Rather, they merely quoted Ndlovu
defending the proposed constitutional amendments and dismissing
views that the Bill would "scuttle" Mbeki's mediation
efforts saying "the process began long before talks of the
talks" and "had no relation" to the SADC initiative.
Earlier, the
Independent report had noted that "if the proposals are passed
into law they will virtually sink Mbeki's mediation plan"
because "Mugabe's parallel process to hang onto power
would get a new impetus after several months of setbacks".
And unlike the government media's passive coverage of the
subject, the weekly reported ruling party "insiders"
viewing some of the proposals as aimed at blocking Vice President
Joice Mujuru's elevation to the presidency, while "entrenching"
Mugabe's stay in "office for another five years, which
may translate into rule for life". Its columnist Jonathan
Moyo agreed, contending that it was imperative for Mbeki not to
"keep (his) eyes off . . . the 18th constitutional amendment"
to avoid an "embarrassing failure" of his mediation
efforts.
The differences
in the media coverage of the country's political developments
were mirrored by their sourcing patterns. For instance, although
the government media quoted a wide range of sources as shown in
Figs 1 and 2, they were mainly used to portray Zimbabwe as enjoying
world support against Western machinations.
Fig. 1 Voice
distribution on ZBC
Govt |
Alternative |
Foreign
dignitaries |
Business |
War
veterans |
Zanu
PF |
24 |
2 |
25 |
1 |
5 |
2 |
Fig. 2 Voice
distribution in the government Press
Govt |
Foreign |
Alternative |
Zanu
PF |
MDC |
Unnamed |
9 |
12 |
3 |
7 |
4 |
3 |
In contrast,
the private media's diverse sourcing pattern (See Figs 3 and
4) illustrated their balanced coverage of the topic.
Fig. 3 Voice
distribution in the private electronic media
Govt |
Alternative |
Foreign
dignitaries |
Ordinary
people |
Unnamed |
Lawyer |
Professional |
5 |
5 |
7 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
1 |
Fig. 4 Voice
distribution in the private Press
Govt |
Foreign |
Alternative |
Zanu
PF |
MDC |
Ordinary
people |
Unnamed |
Police |
2 |
17 |
5 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
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