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Succession and ZANU PF conference
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-50
Monday December 11^th 2006 – Sunday December 17^th 2006

THE official media’s partisan coverage manifested itself in their slavish reports on the just-ended ZANU PF conference during the week. For instance, ZBC swamped its audiences with 72 stories on the event in its main news bulletins. In fact, ZTV alone devoted about 109 minutes of the total time allocated to this week’s 8pm bulletins to the event. The station’s 8pm bulletin of December 16^th epitomized this fixation with ruling party activities. About 60% of the 20 minutes dedicated to news were on the conference.

The station also changed its regular programming, including dropping some afternoon and evening bulletins, to clear the way for live broadcasts of the event.

Similarly, the government papers generously devoted 58 stories to the matter.

However, such excessive coverage of the event did not translate into a critical assessment of the conference. Almost all their reports papered over the tensions, divisions and discontent in the party, especially over the succession issue. For example, the agenda and resolutions adopted at the conference were never clearly spelled out and there was no attempt to subject the proceedings to any sensible independent analysis. Neither was there any useful information about the party’s behind-the-scenes deliberations – particularly those of its various committees – on crucial matters such as the proposed "harmonisation" of the elections and its bearing on who would succeed President Mugabe.

Against this background ZBC (14/12, 8pm) and The Herald (15/12) made no attempt to inquire about the causes of factionalism – which Mugabe claimed was rife in the party – or reconcile them with his warning against presidential aspirants that there was no vacancy in the presidency.

Instead, by the end of the party’s convention, ZBC (16/12, 8pm), The Sunday Mail and Sunday News (17/12) misled their audiences by reporting that the party had "passed" a "landmark resolution" to synchronise presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010 without explaining the implications of the development on Mugabe’s tenure, which expires in 2008. In addition, the papers did not categorically state whether the poll harmonisation resolution had been formally adopted, nor did they explain why the matter was referred to the party’s policy making Central Committee for further discussion.

This passive tone mirrored the remaining government media’s unquestioning previews of the conference. The Herald (15/12), for example, simply quoted unnamed "government election bodies" endorsing ZANU PF’s plans to harmonise elections in 2010 on the grounds that doing so in 2008 would have met "stiff opposition" from most MPs, as most were "vehemently opposed" to have their tenure reduced by two years. No legislator was quoted saying this.

Earlier, The Herald and Chronicle (14/12) allowed Mugabe’s revelations to a Canadian Television channel (that the decision to harmonise polls was his brainchild) to pass without relating them to previous reports projecting the move as a result of spontaneous recommendations by ZANU PF’s provincial leadership. They also failed to link his apparent reluctance to relinquish the presidency, citing a "shambles" in ZANU PF, with previous hints that he planned to retire at the end of his current term.

ZBC simply censored this.

The lopsided manner in which the official papers handled the matter was reflected by the lack of alternative voices in their stories as shown in Fig 6.

Fig. 6 Voice distribution in the government Press

Similarly, ZBC depended more on ZANU PF voices almost to the exclusion of alternative comment. See Fig 7.

Fig. 7 Voice distribution on ZBC

Except for the Mirror group, the rest of the private media exposed the strife in ZANU PF in the 27 stories they carried on the conference. Seventeen appeared in the private electronic media while the remaining 10 were in the private papers.

For example, while the official papers depicted the ruling party as united over poll harmonisation, online agencies and The Standard (17/12) revealed otherwise. They claimed that growing discontent within the party over plans to extend Mugabe’s tenure had actually caused divisions in the party resulting in the "unprecedented" postponement of the formal adoption of the matter to another date. However, their reports were based on unnamed party insiders.

Earlier reports in the Zimbabwe Times & Studio 7 (14/12), The Financial Gazette (14/12) and Zimbabwe Independent (15/12) portrayed a divided ZANU PF ahead of the conference.

The Gazette, for example, exposed the fractious nature of the ruling party over the succession issue by citing indicators of the party’s internal turmoil, including the purging of the architects of the so-called Tsholotsho Declaration, the imposition of Joice Mujuru as vice-president and the emergence of litigation among presidential contenders.

The Zimbabwe Independent (15/12) predicted even more upheavals in ZANU if the presidential term was extended, noting that the Mujuru camp was unhappiest with the plan as this was meant to "sideline (Mujuru) and designed to ensure that Mugabe remains President for life".

The critical manner in which the private media handled the subject was reflected in their efforts to balance the ruling party’s comments with alternative and opposition views as shown by the private electronic media’s sourcing pattern. See Fig 8.

Fig. 8 Voice distribution in the private electronic media

The staff of MMPZ wishes the readers of its update, partners and friends a restful Christmas holiday and a new year that brings hope to the people of Zimbabwe. Look forward to our weekly reports appearing again from mid-January 2007.

View MMPZ's fact sheet

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