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Economic
decline
Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-44
Monday October
30th 2006 – Sunday November 5th 2006
THIS week the
government media carried 73 stories on Zimbabwe’s economic meltdown,
none of which addressed the root causes of the problem. The stories,
44 of which appeared on ZBH and 29 in government papers, basically
presented the difficulties – characterised by yet another wave of
price hikes in goods and services – as either a result of unjustified
Western economic sanctions or profiteering by unscrupulous businesses.
However, only
where the increases were government-sanctioned did these media present
them as ‘welcome’. It was against this background that 17 of the
29 stories the official papers carried on the economic crisis mainly
projected the authorities as taking measures to address it. For
example, The Herald (1/11), ZTV (1/11, 8pm) and Spot FM (2/11,
8am) reported on the official hikes in the maize producer price
from $31 350 a tonne to $52 450 and allowances for state university
workers as a welcome development without explaining the adequacy
of the increases or their impact on the inflationary pressures that
government is battling to contain. The Herald just described
the increase in the producer price as a "timely boost"
to farmers ahead of the farming season.
Neither did the
official media go beyond government promises to address public transport
woes by empowering the state-owned public transport company, ZUPCO,
and "end the problem of commuter omnibus owners who hike
fares at will" (The Herald 1/11). Nor
did they test how the Petroleum Bill, which seeks to "provide
a legal framework for the regulation of the fuel sector",
would resolve the country’s crippling fuel shortages (The Herald
and Chronicle 3/11).
This passive endorsement
of government’s ad hoc interventionist actions often led to distortions
as illustrated by ZTV and Spot FM (3/11, 8pm). For instance, although
ZTV reported the public as having expressed "mixed feelings"
on ZESA’s tariff increases of between 95 and 270 percent tariffs,
claiming that some had supported the move while others opposed it,
none of those interviewed wholly endorsed the increases. Rather,
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries president Calisto Jokonya noted
that although the hikes were inevitable, they were too steep and
would push up the cost of manufacturing. The station’s other interviewee
did not see how the hikes would translate into improved service
without foreign currency, while others complained about power cuts.
ZESA was allowed
to use the theft of cables from a Beatrice transmission tower to
reinforce official claims that power shortages were due to vandalism
and theft of the company’s infrastructure. The Herald (30/10)
had earlier reported ZESA making similar claims. Consequently, no
effort was made to view the increase in thefts as symptomatic of
economic hardship, or relate the power shortages to the authorities’
failure to refurbish its obsolete power stations. The official media
also failed to provide a clear picture of ZESA’s preparedness ahead
of an anticipated power deficit in the region by next year.
The official media’s
unquestioning attitude also resulted in them failing to give adequate
attention to the rise in the consumer basket from $112 034 in September
to $141 706 in October. The Herald and Chronicle (3/11)
actually buried the hike in their inside pages without discussing
its root causes.
Otherwise, these
media presented Zimbabwe’s economic troubles as originating outside
official circles. For example, ZTV (30/10, 8pm) passively reported
Vice-President Joseph Msika who, while commissioning mining equipment
at Hwange Colliery, blamed the difficulties on "illegal
sanctions". In another report, the station quoted Reserve
Bank governor Gideon Gono echoing similar views, adding that inflation,
corruption and "unjustified" price increases
were the other causes of the economic mess.
The shallow manner
in which ZBH reported on the economic problems was aptly illustrated
by its daily Financial Highlights presentations. It merely
reported on the incessant losses at the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange
without explaining why this was so. Its exchange rate updates were
also half-baked and only covered trends on the government-controlled
foreign currency market, which remains generally frozen.
For example, it
claimed (30/10, 8pm) that the British Pound had "eased"
against the local dollar to Z$474.32 while another report (3/11,
8pm) said the Euro was the only major currency that "gained"
to Z$319.34 in the week while all other major currencies remained
"static" or "unchanged".
Only once (2/11)
did the station mention that "it was a different story
on the parallel market". But it never told the full
story: steering clear of revealing that the local currency was trading
at over $1 600 to the US dollar there.
The government
media’s dependency on official voices is shown in Fig 1 and 2.
Fig. 1 Voice
Distribution on ZBH
| Government |
Business |
Alternative |
Foreign
|
Ordinary
people |
| 19 |
9 |
7 |
2 |
22 |
The voices of
ordinary people quoted on ZBH mostly complained about the high cost
of living and poor service delivery, although the broadcaster mostly
misrepresented their sentiments by portraying them as endorsing
government’s interventionist economic policies.
Fig. 2
Voice distribution in the government Press
| Govt |
Alternative
|
Business |
Judiciary
|
Zanu
PF |
MDC |
Police |
Professional |
| 18 |
4 |
2 |
2 |
3 |
3 |
1 |
1 |
In contrast,
the private media were forthright about the country’s economic woes
and their causes in the 28 reports they carried on the subject (private
papers 24 and the private electronic media, four). The stories mostly
highlighted symptoms of economic decline, which they attributed
to government’s failed policies. For example, contrary to the government
media’s portrayal of ZESA’s problems as stemming from vandalism
and thefts, Studio 7 (3/11) reported critics attributing the tariff
increases to mismanagement, government interference and shortage
of foreign currency, among others.
The Daily Mirror
(1/11) also noted that acute fuel shortages triggered by government’s
decision to control prices had resulted in the price of petrol and
diesel shooting up by more than 100% in the last two months. The
paper cited oil industry players contending that this illustrated
the deficiencies of government’s attempts to regulate the oil sector.
The private media
also reported on looming commodity shortages, such as soft drinks
due to the shortage of carbon dioxide gas.
In fact, Studio
7 and The Financial Gazette (2/11) carried a World Bank report singling
out Zimbabwe as the "only country in Africa recording negative
economic growth" of minus 2.4 percent in 2004 while "most
African countries had lifted their citizens above the poverty line
by significant percentages". The Zimbabwe Independent (3/11)
also exposed this economic gloom by reporting Techfin Research projecting
that the country’s "frail currency" would
trade at a "fair value" of above $16 000
to the US dollar by the end of 2007 as the economic crisis worsens.
The government media ignored such news.
Even though Spot
FM & ZTV (2/11, 8pm) reported a 79 percent decline in trade
between Angola and Zimbabwe from US$4m to around US$700,000 in the
last five years, it did not explain why. Further, the revelation
was buried deep in government calls to improve trade between the
two countries. Previously, the stations (30/10, 8pm) passively celebrated
official announcements on the increase in tourist arrivals by 40%
without putting a monetary value to this "improvement".
Similarly, ZTV (3/11, 8pm) passively announced that ZIMTRADE
had won first prize for the Best International Exhibition at the
Global Expo.
Instead of giving
an informed analysis of the issue, its reporter just claimed: "The
country’s image as both an investment destination and that of being
productive was boosted…ahead of economic powerhouses South Africa,
Great Britain and the USA."
The critical manner
in which the private media handled the country’s economy was reflected
by its attempts to balance official voices with alternative views
as mirrored in the private Press’ voice sourcing pattern. See Fig
3.
Fig. 3
Voice distribution in the private Press
| Govt |
Alternative
|
Business |
Local
govt |
Ordinary
people |
Foreign
dignitaries |
Unnamed
|
| 9 |
5 |
9 |
1 |
11 |
5 |
2 |
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