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Policy
inconsistencies
Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-42
Monday
October 16th 2006 – Sunday October 22nd 2006
THIS week the
government Press unquestioningly reported on conflicting official
statements over policy issues without any attempt to reconcile them.
As a result, there was no clarity on who exactly in government was
in charge of various policy formulations. Neither did these papers
interpret the confusion as a reflection of the authorities’ poor
management of the country.
This passivity
was mirrored in 40 stories the government Press featured on the
economy (21) and agricultural issues (19). For example, The Herald
(19/10) remained completely uncurious about the reasons why the
Reserve Bank had given businessman Philip Chiyangwa’s Pinnacle Property
Holdings permission to sell property in foreign currency soon after
the bank had closed 16 foreign currency transfer agencies for allegedly
fuelling illegal foreign currency deals. Neither did it reconcile
this with previous government proclamations outlawing local trade
in forex.
The paper (20/10)
only added to the confusion when it passively quoted central bank
governor Gideon Gono rescinding the deal on the basis that it was
"fraught with irregularities, as no proper procedures had been
followed for such application".
Gono was not challenged
to detail the violated ‘procedures’ or explain how a business arrangement
of such magnitude had escaped the attention of the bank’s regulators.
Rather, he was simply allowed to blame Sigauke while expressing
gratitude to the Press for exposing the issue, which he claimed
"could have gone undetected…"
It only emerged
through the online news agency, Zimonline (21/10), that contrary
to Gono’s assertions, it was actually President Mugabe who had forced
the RBZ to annul the deal.
The government
papers’ failure to take government to task over its policy confusions
also manifested itself in their coverage of the controversy surrounding
new bread prices.
They passively
reported the arrest of a senior official in the Trade and Industry
Ministry, Norman Chakanetsa, for allegedly "unlawfully"
approving the bread price hike without the consent of his boss,
Minister Obert Mpofu, (The Herald 20/10). The paper and its sister
publications did not question why it took weeks for the authorities
to detect the anomaly. In fact, when government allegedly allowed
bakers to increase the bread cost from $200 a loaf to $295 – about
$100 less the price they advocated – the official media celebrated
the development as indicative of the effectiveness of government’s
interventionist policies, especially its price control regime. Notably,
no government official was cited challenging the move then.
By the weekend
The Sunday Mail and Sunday News (22/10) simply quoted Trade and
Industry Secretary Christian Katsande announcing that government
would, during the week, "finalise a set of new prices"
of maize meal, flour and bread, which the paper falsely claimed
had "remained at $85" a loaf before the
"interim relief figure of $295 that was announced recently".
No attempt was made to discuss the implications of the price controls
on industrial viability.
However, except
for the Mirror stable, whose slant was similar to the official media,
other private papers tried to expose government policy deficiencies
and contradictions in the four stories they carried on the subject.
The Financial Gazette (19/10), for example, reported economists
condemning the price controls and the arrests of business executives
on allegations of illegally increasing commodity prices, saying
the move would negatively affect industrial productivity. As an
example, it noted that while government claimed the introduction
of fuel price controls had brought sanity to the fuel sector, the
move had actually triggered crippling shortages of fuel, which had
become readily available following an earlier decision to deregulate
the oil industry. It thus viewed price controls as symptomatic of
government’s "policy shifts and backtracking"
meant to "appease the public".
The next day the
Zimbabwe Independent (20/10) reported a rift within government over
its pricing policies. It noted that while President Mugabe supported
the arrest of business leaders over unsanctioned price increases,
Vice-President Joice Mujuru appeared to be against it. The paper
quoted unnamed government sources interpreting the conflict in the
context of ZANU PF’s succession battle, adding that Industry Minister
Obert Mpofu was caught in the "crossfire of the political
rivalry" with his colleagues accusing his ministry
of approving price increases. Consequently, the "attack"
on the minister had resulted in the arrest of Chakanetsa.
The private Press
also highlighted the chaos and policy contradictions characterising
government’s land reforms in 10 stories. The Gazette, for example,
reported the continued eviction of white farmers despite Mujuru’s
assurance to international guests attending the Tourism Expo that
"our land reform programme is now part of our history"
as it had "been taken to its logical conclusion".
The Standard (22/10) carried another report exposing such evictions.
In addition, the paper quoted Justice for Agriculture (JAG) and
the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) exposing the fallacy of government
claims that it had either compensated or was considering applications
from white farmers wishing to farm. It quoted JAG chairman John
Worswick dismissing the compensation claims as "a bloody
scam", saying government gave farmers only "5 to
10% of the real value of their properties". CFU vice-president
Trevor Gifford concurred, saying most applications for land by white
farmers had been "rejected" on "racially
motivated reasons".
In a further expose
of the authorities’ agricultural policy inconsistencies, the paper
revealed that after declaring that it would stop allocating inputs
to unproductive resettled farmers, government – "in a
complete somersault" – had announced last week that
it would provide fuel "to the same people who had betrayed
it".
The government
Press evaded these issues.
Instead, they
generally rehashed official statements glossing over the agricultural
problems while simultaneously projecting government as taking measures
to boost production.
The official media’s
uncritical coverage of the matter was illustrated by their dependence
on official voices as reflected in Fig 1.
Fig 1 Voice
distribution in the government Press
| Govt |
Zanu
PF |
Business |
Alternative |
Unnamed |
Farmers |
Lawyer |
Judiciary |
Police |
Army |
| 30 |
2 |
2 |
6 |
1 |
3 |
2 |
4 |
1 |
1 |
Although the private
papers also carried a significant number of government voices as
shown in Fig 2, more than half (11) of these appeared in the Mirror
stable’s newspapers, which also remained blind to government policy
contradictions.
Fig 2 Voice
distribution in private Press
| Voice |
Total |
| Government |
20 |
| ZANU
PF |
3 |
| MDC |
1 |
| Alternative |
3 |
| Police |
1 |
| Judiciary/lawyer |
3 |
| Unnamed |
1 |
| Foreign |
1 |
| Commercial
Farmers |
4 |
| Business |
3 |
| Army |
1 |
| Professional |
1 |
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