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Economic
meltdown
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-38
Monday September 18th
2006 - Sunday September 24th 2006
DURING the week the media carried 174
reports on the country’s economic crisis.
The official media carried 106 of these,
51 of which were aired by ZBH and 55 by government papers. The private
media featured the remaining 68 stories (private papers [57] and
private electronic media [11]).
The government-controlled media stories
once again avoided addressing the root causes of the economic problems
by passively presenting them as stemming from unwarranted Western
economic sanctions as well as crooked businesses who "illegally"
hiked the prices of their products.
There was no reference to government’s
involvement in the economic rot.
This professional dishonesty was mirrored
by their coverage of government’s crackdown on businesses, the doling
out of funds and resources by the Reserve Bank, corruption at the
government-run steel company, ZISCO, and indicators of economic
malaise.
Only the private media critically examined
these issues.
Crackdown on business executives
THE official media passively
reported on the arrest and detention of business executives for
allegedly increasing commodity prices without government consent
in the 37 stories they carried on the subject (ZBH [21] and official
papers [16]).
No attempt was made to assess the underlying
impact of the action on industry and the availability of basic commodities.
Neither did these media analyse the
reasons behind the price increases nor the practicality of the authorities’
bureaucratic procedures requiring manufacturers to apply for permission
before increasing the price of basic goods, especially in Zimbabwe’s
hyperinflationary environment.
Instead, they simply depicted the government’s
strong-arm reaction to the price increases as being carried out
in "good faith" and meant to "protect
ordinary consumers from the escalating prices of goods"
(The Herald 18/9).
And despite the paper (19/9) revealing
that the court had "lambasted" the police
for being "overzealous" in arresting and
"unlawfully detaining" the industrialists
for increasing prices "in the best interest of their
companies", it still passively reported the police
warning of more arrests if businesses hiked "prices without
government approval" (21/9).
Earlier, Radio Zimbabwe (18/9,6am)
and Spot FM (18/9, 7am) reported on the same threats.
Notably, the concerns of businesses
were sidelined.
For example, while ZTV (19/9, 8pm)
cited a baker justifying the increase in the price of bread on the
grounds that they were getting their fuel from the expensive parallel
market, it drowned his concerns in mostly emotional comments by
nine members of the public who were unhappy with the "unjustified"
increases.
Besides, it avoided connecting government
to the economic decline.
For example, the station did not follow
up on economist David Mupamhadzi’s calls for dialogue between industry
and government to ensure that "bread is available"
and that the bakery industry "remains viable".
Neither did it explore Luxon Zembe’s suggestion that government
should "identify and finance farmers who are capable
of producing wheat in sufficient quantities".
Similarly, The Herald (19/9)
did not pay much attention to business representative Anthony Mandiwanza’s
condemnation of the arrests of his colleagues. His comments were
relegated to the end of its story.
The suffocation of the views of the
business community on the subject was reflected in ZBH’s sourcing
as shown in Fig 1.
Table 1:Voice
Distribution on ZBH
| Govt |
Alternative |
Ordinary
people |
Business
Representative |
Professional |
Police |
| 7 |
7 |
29 |
2 |
1 |
3 |
The national
broadcaster appeared more interested in giving more publicity to
selected members of the public, who together with official voices
accused the businesses of profiteering.
Except for one
Daily Mirror story (18/9), which echoed the official media
stance, the rest of the 11 reports the private media carried were
forthright on the negative implications of the arrests on the country’s
struggling economy.
Of these, four
appeared in the private electronic media and the rest in private
papers.
The Financial
Gazette (21/9) and Zimbabwe Independent (22/9), for example,
reported the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) castigating
government over the arrests, noting that they were "unprecedented".
Earlier, SW Radio
Africa (18/9) reported economic analysts criticising government’s
crackdown on businesses saying it was just an "attempt
to treat symptoms rather than the disease".
The Standard (24/9)
agreed, noting that government’s imposition of price controls would
not "improve anything" but would instead "worsen
shortages of basic commodities and bring about further hardships".
Government "donations"
THE
official media’s unquestioning celebration of government’s ad
hoc attempts to arrest economic decline manifested itself in
their coverage of the central bank’s allocation of funds and resources
to various ministries throughout the week.
Their reports
showed no curiosity about the source of the money and whether it
was budgeted for. There was also no effort to establish whether
the money was being given out as loans or mere donations.
Only Studio 7
(19/9) went the extra mile by citing a "senior Finance
Ministry official" as saying the state printing presses
"have been running non-stop in an effort to meet demand
for money by government officials".
Otherwise, the
official media simply presented the allocation of funds as an illustration
of the authorities’ commitment to resolving the crisis. For instance,
The Herald (18&19/9) passively reported that the Reserve Bank
had given the Ministry of Water Resources $250 million for the repair
of Morton Jaffray Water Treatment Plant and another $215 million
to the Zimbabwe National Water Authority for the provision of water
to Harare.
In similar fashion,
the Chronicle (20/9) and ZTV (20/9, 8pm) passively reported that
the Reserve Bank had also donated 304 vehicles, which the bank had
bought for its controversial Operation Sunrise, to various ministries
as well as 20 million litres of diesel to government’s militarised
farming venture, Operation Maguta.
While The Herald
(21/9) buried in its business section news that the government-run
TelOne, which owed Intelsat about US$710 000, had sought a financial
bailout from the RBZ, the private media revealed that Zimbabwe’s
main Internet connections had actually been shut down because of
the debt (New Zimbabwe.com and SW Radio Africa 19/9).
The story was
part of several the private media carried exposing the myriad economic
difficulties in the country.
They included
the Independent’s criticism of the RBZ’s vehicle and money hand-outs
to non-productive sectors of the economy while industry, telecommunications
and local authorities were facing a crisis due to hard currency
shortages.
However, like
the official Press, the Mirror group’s coverage remained uncritical.
Corruption
ALL
media, except ZBH, reported on parliamentary revelations on corruption
at the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company (ZISCO) involving an unspecified
number of unnamed "influential politicians".
However, the government
Press just treated the disclosures at face value.
For example, The
Herald (18, 21/9) and Chronicle (21/9) simply accepted the justification
by Industry and Trade Minister Obert Mpofu of a "temporary
freeze on making public the report on the corrupt activities"
on the grounds that it would scare away investors.
Although the papers
noted concerns by MDC MP Edwin Mushoriwa that the decision to withhold
the sleaze findings "flew in the face of the government’s
fight against corruption giving the perception that the State was
trying to sweep corruption under the carpet," they
did not follow this up.
As a result, no
attempt was made to scrutinise the negative ramifications of such
a decision.
This only appeared
in the private Press.
The Zimbabwe
Independent, for example, reported observers questioning the
suppression of the ZISCO report saying its "publication…could
actually help to portray government in good light as it would show
a new attitude of zero-tolerance for corruption".
Earlier, The
Financial Gazette, in a similar story, quoted Mpofu revealing
that the Indian Global Steel Holdings, which planned to invest about
US$400 million into the company had "withdrawn"
from the deal after it was "angered" by
the "way it was treated as it endeavoured to get an insight
into the operations of the company".
ZTV (20/9, 8pm)
downplayed the reasons for the fall-out, attributing them generally
to a "management contract" disagreement.
Indicators
of economic decay
ALTHOUGH
the government papers carried 39 stories on symptoms of economic
distress, they dodged linking them to government’s poor economic
management.
Instead, they
diverted attention from this fact by amplifying government claims
that the decline was a result of Western sanctions and unscrupulous
business people.
It was against
this background that they suffocated the IMF’s gloomy projections
of the country’s economic future.
The Herald (19/9),
for example, selectively highlighted positive remarks by IMF Africa
Department official Siddharth Tiwari saying there was "substantial
goodwill on the part of the international community to help Zimbabwe".
ZBH censored the
issue.
The only reference
the broadcaster made to it was when it passively quoted President
Mugabe taking a "swipe" at the fund and
accusing "powerful nations" of "blocking
investment into Zimbabwe" (ZTV and Spot FM 21/9,7am).
Only the private
media exposed the IMF’s unflattering assessments of Zimbabwe’s economic
prospects (Studio 7 and NewZim.com 18/9, the Gazette
21/9 and Independent 22/9).
Studio 7 (19/9)
for example, cited the Fund warning that the country’s inflation
risked soaring to 4 000 percent by 2007 if the government did not
embark on sound economic reforms.
However, The
Herald (20/9) glossed over this projection in a report headlined,
Technical drop in inflation anticipated. The story quoted analyst
Erich Bloch claiming that on the contrary, he expected inflation
to "run below 300 percent by end of 2007" due to the anticipated
rise in "agriculture output" and contained government
expenditure.
There was no attempt
to reconcile his forecasts with the problems bedevilling the country’s
preparations for the coming farming season and government’s documented
overspending.
The private media
maintained their critical perspective in the 50 stories they carried
on indicators of economic decline. They continued to categorically
finger government’s poor policies as the root cause of the country’s
economic distress, characterised by the spiralling cost of living,
commodity shortages, increasing domestic debt and shrinking production.
The difference
in the manner in which the government and the private papers tackled
these economic issues was mirrored by their sourcing patterns as
captured in Figs 2 and 3.
As has become
the norm, the official Press relied more on government voices in
their coverage. Although they sought comment from several other
sources, these largely toed the official line.
Fig. 2
Voice distribution in the government Press
| Govt |
Business |
Police |
Alternative |
Professional |
Zanu
PF |
Ordinary
People
|
Local
govt
|
Judiciary |
Lawyer |
| 20 |
5 |
3 |
9 |
3 |
1 |
7 |
3 |
1 |
1 |
The private papers
appeared to have carried more government voices, but most (12) were
featured in the Mirror group stories that simply rehashed
official pronouncements on the economy. Otherwise, the rest tried
to balance government views with alternative comment.
Fig. 3
Voice distribution in the private Press
| Govt |
Business |
Alternative |
Unnamed |
Judiciary |
Foreign |
Police |
| 26 |
11 |
12 |
6 |
2 |
2 |
3 |
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