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Crackdowns, chaos and confusion
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-34
Monday August 21^st - August 27^th 2006

THE official media’s reluctance to openly discuss pertinent national issues that portray government in a bad light was mirrored by their apologetic coverage of the authorities’ continued failure to address economic and agricultural problems bedevilling the country.

Instead of critically reporting on the confusion and contradictions characterising the government currency reforms, fuel price controls, the blitz on hospitality operators and the problems facing the country’s preparations for the coming farming season, these media merely responded passively to these issues.

Only the private media attempted to give balanced and critical examination of the problems.

1. Currency reforms
THE official media carried 79 stories on the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s currency reforms during the week, 54 of which were aired by ZBH and 25 by government papers.

However, this did not translate into informed analysis as the reports basically celebrated the reforms themselves and not their relevance or sound implementation. Thus, while these media exposed indicators of confusion in government’s implementation of the reforms, such as businesses’ refusal to accept old bearer notes on the eve of the currency’s expiry, or the critical shortage of small denominations of the new currency, these were merely presented as incidental.

It was against this background that these media carried contradictory reports on the matter. The Herald (22/8) is an example. While the paper’s front-page story exposed the chaos that marred the changeover, noting that in some cases the authorities had to seek the help of "armed police" to maintain order, its comment claimed the exercise "went remarkably smoothly…than most expected". Most of the problems, it argued, mainly emanated from "laziness by some bank managers in some branches and the desperate desire by Zimbabweans to keep large sums of cash at home".

That evening ZTV (22/8,8pm) reported a senior government official, Sylvester Mavunganidze, also describing the currency change as "smooth" but blamed the chaos that accompanied it on "criminal elements, who continued to hold large sums of cash in anticipation of a change in deadline". Mavunganidze did not furnish ZTV with details of the alleged crooks.

Even as The Herald (23/8) revealed that the authorities had actually injected inadequate cash ahead of the August 21^st deadline, it still found scapegoats for this apparent ill-planning the next day by attributing the "small" problem to retailers and banks that had "not ordered enough money". The official media’s unwillingness to take the authorities to task over the matter resulted in ZTV (25/8, 8pm), The Herald and Chronicle (26/8) avoiding viewing the extension of the currency changeover in rural areas as reflective of the confusion that characterised the exercise.

In fact, ZTV buried the announcement on the extension deep in its business news, while The Herald and Chronicle passively quoted Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono using it to promote government as being magnanimous. Neither did they view his "apology" to Zimbabweans for the "hurtful consequences" caused by Project Sunrise as acknowledgement of the abusive and chaotic manner in which the exercise was conducted. Nor did the two dailies or The Sunday Mail (27/8) reconcile his claims that the reforms were a "success" with his revelation that $10 trillion (about 22% of the total cash in circulation) was still unaccounted for after the August deadline.

But in a rare moment of candour, the Sunday News (27/8) ascribed some of the mess that marked the change-over to government saying there was "an oversight on the part of the monetary authorities in the manner in which new denominations were distributed", creating problems for the public.

However, such openness was only pronounced in the private media’s 28 stories on the topic (private papers [14] and private electronic media [21]. They largely disproved the official claims of a smooth currency transition through highlighting inconveniences encountered during the process.

The Daily Mirror (25/8), for example, noted that some government-run enterprises like ZESA, were yet to realign their billing system to conform to the changes. As a result, added the paper, members of the public were being forced to settle their bills using July estimates.

The Zimbabwe Independent and online news agency NewZimbabwe.com (25/8) reported Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa dissociating himself from the reforms, telling a Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Budget and Finance that his ministry was not "consulted" on the issue. They also cited him raising doubts about the effectiveness of the policy saying: "The problem we have is of under-production. We have removed three zeroes but that is not a guarantee that come December they will not be back".

However, The Sunday Mail quoted the minister backtracking, alleging that he "fully supports the currency reform programmes", adding that any reports suggesting that he disagreed with Gono were "outright lies and malicious fabrications".

But before the dust had settled, The Daily Mirror (26/8) revealed that government had already printed new bank notes dated March 2006, which Gono threatened would be introduced at 24-hours’ notice.

Meanwhile, only Studio 7 and SW Radio Africa (21/8) and ZimDaily (22/8) reported on the arrests of 200 women from Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) in Bulawayo during a demo against government’s "bad to non-existent economic policies". None of the mainstream media appeared to consider this effort to prevent the women from exercising their right to express themselves a newsworthy event.

2. Fuel pricing chaos
THIS week the government papers continued cheering the authorities’ decision to control the price of fuel without fully discussing its rationale or the confusion it has created in the sector. All 16 stories on the subject (ZBH, 6, government papers 10 stories) did not view the government action as a contradiction of the authorities’ deregulation of the sector in 2004. Apart from regurgitating official pronouncements, the reports also disfigured experts’ advice on the viability of the new fuel regime.

For example, The Herald (21/8) gave the impression that economists had blindly welcomed the fuel price cut as "beneficial" to the country when those quoted gave qualified endorsement of the development. The economists commented that the new prices would only be sustainable if "government has a solid back-up system for a constant supply of fuel" as failure to do so would result in shortages, chaos and "massive black marketing".

But rather than explore these concerns, The Herald and Chronicle (25/8) depicted fuel dealers’ refusal to sell fuel at the reduced prices as driven by profiteering. The papers generously quoted secretary for Energy and Power Justin Mupamhanga lambasting oil companies for dishonesty saying they "were now backtracking, yet the new prices were reached with their consent". The position of the Petroleum Marketers Association was simply drowned in his attack. Earlier, ZBH’s main news bulletins (24/8) passively quoted Energy Minister Mike Nyambuya threatening the fuel industry with "persecution" if they did not comply with the new pricing system.

In a bid to quash concerns over anticipated fuel shortages because of the price controls, The Sunday Mail (27/8) quoted National Oil Company of Zimbabwe boss Zvinechimwe Churu announcing that 25,7 million litres of fuel had been delivered under the US$50 million deal the country signed with French bank BNP Paribas in May. The paper did not query the adequacy of the fuel considering that – by its own admission – the country required about US$40 million a month for fuel. Still, the paper blindly celebrated this development saying it meant that "beneficiaries" of the deal, "including private oil companies, would have to adhere to the stipulated prices."

In contrast, the private media remained critical of government’s position in 10 stories they carried on the subject. Private papers published seven of these while private electronic media carried the rest.

The Daily Mirror (26/8), for example, reported analysts warning that government’s price controls would have "far reaching consequences on the availability of fuel".

Earlier, The Financial Gazette (24/8) reported fuel dealers dismissing the new prices as unprofitable saying they source foreign currency at US$1:Z$ 650-700 and not the official rate of ZW$250, which government was pegging its prices on.

In fact, Studio 7 (23/8) revealed that government had deployed "baton wielding soldiers and police" at some fuel stations in Harare and Bulawayo to "reinforce" the new fuel prices. And as the week closed, The Standard (27/8) revealed that government’s actions had already caused "scarcities of petroleum products and the return of fuel queues and an increase in parallel market activities".

3. Blitz on tour operators, hotels and restaurants
THE government media’s passive endorsement of official actions was also evident in their reportage on the crackdown on 100 hoteliers and restaurateurs by the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) on allegations that they were operating illegally. Notably, none of the 35 stories they carried on the matter (ZBH [30] and government papers [5] gave evidence showing that the culprits were operating outside the law.

On the contrary, these media actually quoted the hospitality industry, including the ZTA acknowledging that the authority had no legal instrument to prosecute them. The Herald (22/8), for example, reported ZTA chairman Emmanuel Fundira revealing that the Tourism Act did not empower his body to prosecute "illegal operators" as it had not been "harmonised" with the Town and Country Act and the Urban and Rural By-Laws Liquor Licensing Act under which some of the hotels and restaurants were registered.

Despite this however, the official media continued reporting authorities portraying the tour operators as undesirables who were tarnishing the image of the "paradise of Africa" (ZTV 24/8, 8pm).

Only the private media, which carried eight stories on the matter (private papers [nine] and New Zimbabwe.com [one]), condemned the closure of restaurants and lodges.

For instance, the Zimbabwe Independent’s Muckraker criticised the blitz saying it was a money-raising venture by ZTA while The Standard likened the crackdown to "Murambatsvina", observing that it could have been "handled better without appearing vindictive".

4. Confusing signals in agriculture
THE government media sent conflicting signals over the country’s readiness for the 2006-7 agricultural season.

None of the 31 stories they carried on the subject (ZBH, 17, and government papers, 14), reconciled officials’ upbeat predictions of a better farming season with the problems on the ground. For example, they provided no proof on how government would tackle the serious persistent shortages of inputs, power, farming equipment and the continued under-utilisation of farms by A2 farmers just weeks before the onset of the rains. Instead, they ran promotional news pieces on government’s off-the-cuff assurances that the season would be a success. This passivity was exemplified by ZBH (23/8, 8pm), which reported: "Government has assured the nation that inputs, financing and tillage facilities are now ready for the next farming season". No logistics were given.

By comparison, the private media provided no illusions on the chaotic state of the sector in 12 stories (private papers [nine] and private electronic media [three]). They exposed and condemned the continued farm evictions, lack of security of tenure and transparency in government’s management of agriculture as the greatest threats to agricultural production. In one story The Daily Mirror (21/8) reported Lands Minister Didymus Mutasa refusing to divulge the identity of multiple farm owners. The paper quoted him saying: "I am not going to publish the names in the Press as you would want us to. This is an orderly exercise… I will write to all those fitting that category to relinquish their ownership of excess farms".

The media’s sourcing patterns in their coverage of the economic and agricultural problems in the country are shown in Figs 1-4.

Fig 1. Voice distribution in the government Press

Although the official media’s voice distribution appeared diverse, their stories remained pro-government.

Fig 2 Voice distribution on ZBH

Fig 3 Voice distribution in the private Press

Notably, the Mirror group carried 17 of the government voices recorded by private papers.

Fig 4 Voice distribution in private electronic media

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