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Trial
of Radio Voice of the People (VOP)
Open Society
Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)
July 21, 2006
A green police
truck, whose colour has evaporated from years of operating under
Zimbabwe’s sunshine rolls past, sputtering in its wake a dusty mix
of red earth and diesel fumes.
The driver’s arms
are strained taut as he struggles to balance his unwieldy load.
He brings the vehicle to a growling halt on the slope of the gates
leading to the holding cells of the Harare Magistrate’s Court at
Rotten Row, a ring of a building that squats on the fringes of the
inner city business zone of Zimbabwe’s capital.
Young armed guards
in crisp uniforms spring over the back of the truck, their morning
breadth steaming into a fog against the winter chill. Their cargo
emerges: Barefoot prisoners walk like mismatched twins shackled
together at the ankles by crimes coming before the courts. It’s
June 15, 2006.
In Court Room
# 4, the Magistrate listens to arguments in the case of: a car thief.
Then the case of some men involved in a housebreaking matter comes
to the fore. Finally the court calls for David Masunda, Chairperson
of Radio Voice
of the People (VOP).
The public prosecutor
leaps from his rickety chair, "This matter has been postponed
your Worship." he informs the court in quick to protest. Stumped,
Masunda stops walking to the dock and stands suspended in the middle
of the court room like a puppet controlled by powers pulling invisible
strings.
He turns his eyes
to VOP’s lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa for directions. With a knowing gesture,
she reaches for her face and gently nudges her black rimmed glasses
back into place. "But as my learned friend knows your Worship,
this matter was confirmed as proceeding as late as yesterday. I
personally checked with my learned friend’s office and it was agreed
that we would be going ahead with the trial."
Mtetwa has for
the last decade or so been defending the rights and freedoms of
journalists in Zimbabwe. One of her most widely followed cases was
that of Andrew Meldrum, an American journalist, who fell victim
to obnoxious media regulation laws introduced by former information
minister Jonathan Moyo. Meldrum was expelled from Zimbabwe in May
2003 after 23 years as a correspondent for the British Guardian
newspaper.
In 2005 the New
York-based media rights campaign group the Committee to Protect
Journalists (CPJ) awarded Mtetwa their 2005 Press Freedom Award,
an honour very rarely bestowed upon non-Journalists.
And today its
easy to see why more than three years ago Meldurm said Mtetwa was
a "fearless lawyer" defending " freedom of the press
and the rule of law in Zimbabwe under the most difficult and dangerous
of conditions. " Hearing her voice defend you only makes his words
ring that much more true.
"This matter
cannot be further postponed your Worship. My clients have been on
remand since January and this is quite prejudicial to them,"
asserts Mtetwa, winner of the 2005 .
But the Magistrate
is bewildered. Before her is a separate file for John Masuku, the
Executive Director of VOP. She can’t seem to understand why the
same case has separate documentation. Not being able to make head
or tail of the is particular act in the VOP drama, she calls for
a recess. The matter is redirected to Court Room # 1.
The lawyers grin
at each other in a code of approval. Magistrate Billa who presides
over Court Room # 1 has a reputation for upholding the law and respecting
judicial procedure. His court room sends out the same air of efficiency
and seriousness of business. The audio recording equipment is in
full function. A young man in headphones fusses over the voice recording
levels, moving microphones and quickly labeling cassettes. The translator
has a very professional demeanor about him and is confident of his
words.
The VOP team walks
into the middle of a case of two women caught in dispute over a
foreign currency deal gone sour. Then their case is called. The
wooden dock is too small to hold all ten of them: Maria Nyanyiwa-Mataruse,
Takunda Chigwanda and Nyasha Bosha, staff members of Radio VOP are
the latest additions to the accused’s list of John Masuku, and the
members of the Board of Trustees, David Masunda, Arnold Tsunga,
Lawrence Chibwe, Nhlanhla Ngwenya, Millie Phiri and myself, Isabella
Matambanadzo.
Prosecutor Justin
Uladi says the case cannot proceed to trial as programmed because
the state’s key witness, one Obert Muganyura the Technical Director
of the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) who was due to give
evidence had gone to Switzerland. There are groans and grunts of
disapproval from the room. A hush of respect descends into the room
when the Magistrate asks for a response from VOP’s lawyer.
"This is unacceptable," Mtetwa tells the court, her voice so assertive
it seems to come from a public address system hooked up somewhere
deep within her tiny frame. "Since January the prosecution has been
telling us and even yesterday (Wednesday) they said they are ready
for trial and we keep getting these postponements."
"How did
it get like this?" I ask myself, taking my mind back to all
the modules of media law we gobbled up ahead of final term exams
at Rhodes University in the 1990s. I could not recall a case as
absurd and frankly as irritating as this one. "Bella, this
is persecution for sure", whispers Arnold Tsunga as if he can
magically hear my inner voice.
Tsunga is the
Executive Director of Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights, ZLHR, a professional association of
lawyers interested in promoting a culture of human rights in Zimbabwe
through various means. Litigation is one of their strategies. Their
members have packed the courtroom and so sound is their standing
across the region that they have managed to mobilise a network of
highly regarded African and international trial observers.
In December 2005,
when plainclothes police officers raided and ransacked the VOP offices,
ZLHR were there in a flash. "The police had a warrant for the
seizure of radio broadcasting communication equipment and its associated
accessories to include: computer hardware, software and any documents
related to the activities of the radio station". When they
could not find any equipment of that nature they went back to the
station and rewrote the warrant to say any equipment and materials,"
says Otto Saki of ZLHR’s litigation team who was on the scene at
the time of the raid. "That’s when they took the three female
members of staff, held them in police cells for four days and released
them without charge".
The VOP staff
members were held as "bait" to entice VOP’s director John
Masuku to present himself at the police station. When Masuku reported
to the police station on December 19 2005 he was detained for four
days, taken to court on December 23, 2005, to answer to charges
of contravening Section 27 of the Broadcasting
Services Act. Masuku made bail at Zimbabwe $ 4 million.
The festive holidays
were an uncertain time for VOP staff and board members, who were
unsure what the pre-Christmas arrests were leading to. Everything
was revealed in January when a renewed spate of home raids and arrest
began. It reads like a diary of well thought out intimidation.
In the early hours
of the morning of 18 January 2006 two police officers and
one soldier visited the home of VOP Trustee Arnold Tsunga’s in Mutare
the eastern border town connecting Zimbabwe to Beira, Mozambique’s
trading gateway. They order Tsunga’s home staff to the police station,
accusing them of hiding information about Tsunga’s whereabouts.
They were released after the intervention of lawyers without any
charges being preferred against them.
But that was not
the end. The next raid took place on the weekend of 21 January2006,
a Saturday that saw Harare police from the Law and Order Section
proceeded to arrest Anesu Kamba, a driver at ZLHR, and Charles Nyamufukudzwa,
a caretaker, for allegedly obstructing investigations. When
the two said they knew nothing about the matter the police were
referring to, the police began a spate of home raids. First, they
searched Tsunga’s home, taking with them a photograph displayed
in the family room. They did not have a warrant to search the home
or remove Tsunga’s belongings.
A different set
of police officers in a pick up truck had visited the house of NHANHLA
NGWENYA, another trustee of VOP and had threatened to take away
some of his electronic appliances as ransom. More teams were hunting
for the other VOP Trustees. A team went to my mother’s home. On
the advice of our lawyer we resolved to report to the police station
collectively. During our arrest, we were told by the arresting officers
that their case was at the direction of officials within a structure
known as the Joint Operations Command (JOC) and that there were
instructions for our incarceration.
Since January
we have been reporting to police stations and court rooms. In our
view this is a way of intimidating us and criminalizing work we
do quite lawfully. Even government ministers have made remarks in
the state press about journalists and non governmental organizations
that are quite threatening.
The Minister of
State Security Didymus Mutasa was reported by the Manica Post newspaper
as saying that government "will not sit on its laurels" and watch
a "crop of journalists" sell "the country to the enemy by writing
falsehoods" with the "intention" of "undermining national security"
and "agitating violence in the country" He warned that although
the journalists were using pseudonyms in reporting for "pirate radios,
websites and other media", government had "since identified them
from their closets" and that the "net will soon close in on all
those who are involved in these illegal activities".
In February
this year Zimbabwe’s Justice Minister, Patrick Chinamasa told security
officers from the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
region who were meeting in Harare that "enemies of the state" were
using the private press against Zimbabwe's government. He said Zimbabwe's
private press needed "urgent reform" because Western-sponsored journalists
are distorting the true Zimbabwean story, the country's justice
minister was reported as saying.
"The current
media set-up requires reforms as it permits enemies of the state
to mislead the public to the detriment of the country's interests,"
state radio reported.
Since the introduction
of restrictive media laws in 2002, four independent newspapers have
been shut down and in some instances, their equipment impounded.
Scores of journalists, Zimbabwean, some from Botswana and others
from overseas have been arrested.
The VOP trial
comes back to the courts in the last week of September in conditions
where the judiciary is marginalized, human rights lawyers are treated
with contempt and state witnesses do not show. In addition, the
conduct of the investigating and arresting police has been quite
unprofessional. For a country that is a signatory to international
and regional human rights instruments such as Article 19 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is quite clear that the
VOP team and other journalists are being deliberately persecuted
for seeking to enjoy their rights to Freedom of Expression and freedom
of the airwaves.
When considered
against the history of a failure by the police in Zimbabwe to conclusively
resolve the mysterious bombing on August 29 2002 of VOP’s former
offices in the Milton Park suburb in Harare, it is safe to say that
there are forces in Zimbabwe deliberately intent on silencing the
voices and demands for free and fair airwaves.
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