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Agricultural
chaos and food security
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2006-25
Monday June
19th 2006 – Sunday June 25th 2006
THE confusion
and policy contradictions that have characterised government’s management
of agriculture in recent years continued to contest for space in
the media.
Typically, almost
all of the official media’s 67 stories on agriculture (government
Press [25] and ZBH [42]) were generally piecemeal and one-sided
narratives that only explained the problems blighting farming through
the lens of the authorities.
For example, there
was no balanced discussion on the real causes for the widespread
under-utilisation of farms by resettled farmers, or the delays by
government to fully audit and compensate all former commercial farmers
for improvements made on their former farms. Neither did these media
investigate the motive behind government’s plans to acquire farms
protected under Bilateral Investment Agreements (BIAs).
Instead, Spot
FM and ZTV (21/6, 6pm & 8pm) passively reported Security and
Lands Minister Didymus Mutasa telling foreign diplomats that farms
protected under BIA could still "be compulsorily acquired but with
strict adherence to the bilateral agreements." He did not explain
how exactly this would be done apart from saying affected farmers
would be allowed "to contest the compulsory acquisition in court
unlike other landowners in Zimbabwe".
Again there was
no explanation about whether such legal recourse was provided for
under Constitutional Amendment No. 17 that the government wanted
to use to acquire the properties. Neither was Mutasa asked to explain
the criteria to be used to identify farms for seizure. Such passive
media coverage of these important developments was also apparent
in the 11 stories the official papers carried on the subject. Like
ZBH, they gave extensive space to Mutasa’s pronouncements without
seeking the views of foreign diplomats – let alone independent opinion
– on the matter.
The remaining
14 stories in the government papers on the country’s agricultural
problems were equally inadequate. For example, nine of the stories
muddled the extent and reasons behind the poor use of acquired farms
simply by concentrating on the authorities blaming resettled farmers
for their failure to produce. There was no attempt to reconcile
the farmers’ alleged failure with the authorities’ own policy shortcomings,
characterised by poor support schemes for the farmers and continued
farm invasions.
For instance,
The Herald (22/6) did not seek the reasons for Mutasa suddenly withdrawing
a land offer to Langton Masunda after he won a farm ownership dispute
with ZANU PF chairman John Nkomo. Instead, it just cited Masunda’s
lawyer, Vonani Majoko, vowing to contest the withdrawal of the offer
letter.
It was only the
Chronicle of the same day that quoted Mutasa as saying they had
withdrawn the farming offer from Masunda because he was "wantonly
hunting animals (on the property) without following laid down regulations".
Although the paper did not ask the minister to detail these regulations,
it did balance its story with comments from Majoko, who was reported
accusing Mutasa of violating the procedures governing the allocation
of land in the country. The lawyer contested that under the regulations
the minister should first have given Masunda the right to be heard
before cancelling his farming licence.
The official media’s
reluctance to examine government’s land policies critically and
their negative ramifications on productivity resulted in these media
failing to provide a clear picture on the country’s food situation.
ZBH, for example,
simply carried six reports in which the Grain Marketing Board (GMB)
and farmers played the blame-game on the causes of low grain deliveries.
While Radio Zimbabwe (20/6,1pm) and Spot FM (24/6,1pm) reported
farmers as having attributed the issue to delays by the GMB in paying
them, they also quoted the Board blaming "unscrupulous" dealers
who were illegally buying maize from farmers.
None of the stations
tried to establish the truth of the matter or view the low deliveries
as an affirmation of independent observers’ projections that the
country had produced half its annual grain requirement. Instead,
ZTV and Spot FM (19/6, 7am & 1pm) tried to project the GMB as
taking measures to improve grain deliveries at its depots by deploying
more personnel to man roadblocks where police were allegedly "inconveniencing"
farmers delivering grain. Whether the farmers had produced enough
grain or were unwilling to sell it to the GMB remained unexplored.
The government
media’s lack of professional journalistic inquiry in tackling agriculture
was reflected in the predominance of government sources quoted,
as shown in Figs 1 and 2.
Fig. 1
Voice distribution in the government Press
| Govt
|
Alternative |
Business |
Farmer
organisation |
Farmer |
| 21 |
2 |
7 |
3 |
4 |
Fig. 2 Voice
distribution on ZBH
| Govt
|
Zanu
PF |
Farmers |
Business |
Alternative |
Professional |
| 37 |
1 |
3 |
9 |
3 |
1 |
The grim realities
facing Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector were only adequately revealed
in the private media, which carried 19 reports on the matter, of
which 16 were in the private Press and three on private radio stations
(which MMPZ was able to monitor).
The reports continued
to view the country’s agricultural problems as emanating from government’s
bad policies.
For example, The
Financial Gazette (22/6) viewed Mutasa’s eviction of Masunda as
a "kick in the teeth for the rule of law" and disrespect for "property
rights".
In fact, contrary
to the official media’s glowing coverage of government’s plans to
compensate dispossessed farmers for improvements made on their farms,
the paper disclosed that the authorities had reneged on their promise
and would now only pay them between five and 10 percent of what
they were due. The paper interpreted this as another policy blunder
that "could draw sharp attacks from the international community,
which has accused Zimbabwe of spurning international advice on how
to proceed with land reform".
And while the
official media tried to conceal the country’s precarious food levels,
Studio 7 (23/6) revealed that three major milling companies had
stopped operating due to grain shortages.
SW Radio Africa
(23/6) carried a similar report noting that "small milling firms"
were now "the ones supplying retail shops because they were sourcing
their grain on the parallel market".
However, Studio
7 quoted GMB spokesperson Muriel Zimura as having denied the reports
saying the grain procurer was well stocked after receiving "more
than 30,000 tonnes this season".
Meanwhile, The
Daily Mirror (19/06) reported that government had gazetted a new
land Bill – the Gazetted Land (Consequential) Act – which if enacted,
will criminalize "anyone occupying land without lawful authority",
among other provisions. According to the paper, those found breaking
this provision would be liable "to a fine not exceeding level seven
or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding seven years" or to
both punishments.
However, instead
of assessing the implications of the proposed law on agriculture
and security of tenure, the paper (20/6) only "welcomed" the punitive
aspect of the Bill on the simplistic grounds that it would eliminate
the chaotic occupation of land, especially by the political elite.
The relatively
varied sourcing pattern of the private Press is shown in Fig 3.
Fig 3. Voice
distribution in the private Press
| Government |
Alternative |
Law |
Business |
| 6 |
3 |
2 |
1 |
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