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Birthday
cult media
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2006-8
Monday February 20th – Sunday February 26th
2006
THE extent to
which the ruling elite has enslaved the government media was well
illustrated this week by the saturation coverage they gave to President
Mugabe and his 82nd birthday.
This was reflected
in the torrent of uninformative stories that the public broadcasting
corporation, ZBH [61] and the government papers [16 stories plus
two 16-page supplements] carried on the subject, idolising the President.
For example,
ZTV alone devoted nearly a quarter of the two hours 37 minutes of
the week’s 8pm news bulletins (excluding arts, sports and business)
to celebrating Mugabe’s birthday (38.25 minutes or 24.3 percent).
In addition,
ZTV suspended its regular programming on Sunday (19/2) to beam a
rambling 100-minute birthday interview with President Mugabe labelled
Reflections at 82. The interview, conducted by ZBH’s editor-in-chief,
Chris Chivhinge, turned out to be a monologue where Mugabe glossed
over the country’s pressing socio-political and economic crises.
The station
(22/2, 9 pm) also devoted its Behind the Camera programme
to praising Mugabe’s liberation war credentials and leadership qualities.
The next day
(23/2, 9.30pm) ZTV scrapped its Face The Nation to make way
for yet another 90-minute long talk show praising the President
under the banner Mugabe, the man.
Two days later
(25/2), this slavish adulation rubbed off onto ZBH’s radio stations,
which – like ZTV – obliged by covering the birthday celebrations
in Mutare live, including President Mugabe’s 90-minute speech. Notably,
ZTV re-broadcast highlights of the event later that night after
its main bulletin.
Government papers
were anxious not to appear neglectful. The Herald (23 &
24/2) devoted acres of space to the ‘reflections’ interview, which
it serialised over two consecutive days. In addition, it carried
a 16-page advertorial supplement – whose adverts were mainly from
struggling government-run enterprises – hero-worshipping Mugabe’s
leadership. The Chronicle of the same day also carried a
similar supplement.
The official
media’s overkill of the birthday celebrations did not translate
into critical analysis.
Instead, their
docile coverage simplistically amplified Mugabe’s statements, which
only portrayed him as a caring head of state while simultaneously
censoring excerpts, which reflected badly on his policies.
None of the
government media questioned the rationale for the existence of The
Twenty-First of February Movement, a totalitarian-style hero-worshipping
cult based on nothing more than an individual’s birthday. Nor did
they even attempt to query the lavishness of the party itself amid
deepening poverty in the country.
For example,
ZTV (22,2, 8pm) merely reported passively that $12.5 billion had
been "raised so far" for the celebrations
while Spot FM (22/2) referred to the festivities as "historic".
These media
also declined to reconcile Mugabe’s admission of corruption and
incompetence in his government (ZTV 20/2, 6pm and Spot FM 20/2,
8pm) with his own performance, or the moral grounds on which he
judged his fellow African leaders to be "cowards" (Spot
FM 21/2, 1pm).
Instead, Spot
FM (21/2, 1pm) simply quoted Zimbabwe’s ambassador to South Africa,
Simon Khaya Moyo, citing Mugabe as "a specimen of great
respectability" who "has shown courage where
others have feared most".
Similarly, while
the government papers unquestioningly overplayed Mugabe’s criticism
of the Zimbabwe Football Association (ZIFA) for alleged mismanagement,
they did not balance their sycophantic plea for government’s intervention
with any publicity of the regulations governing the International
Football Federation (FIFA), which brook no such interference (The
Herald and Chronicle [20/2].
Such professional
insincerity also resulted in the official media suffocating the
President’s justification for printing money to settle the IMF debt.
Neither did they relate his dismissal of the IMF as a "monster"
with his government’s frantic efforts to restore relations with
the Fund.
The Herald
(20/2) also portrayed Mugabe as open to a transparent democratic
succession debate without investigating the real reasons why aspiring
leaders continued to resort to "clandestine manoeuvrings
and besmirching of rivals".
In fact, nearly
all stories that emerged in the government media as a result of
Mugabe’s birthday were developed into a one-dimensional glorification
of the President.
It was against
this background that The Herald (22/2) carried a prayer by
an unnamed "Christian community" asking
God to bless Zimbabwe and its leadership because the "skilful
and godly wisdom has entered into the heart of President… Mugabe
and knowledge is pleasant to him", adding that "discretion
watches over him, understanding keeps him and delivers him from
the way of evil and from evil men".
Such deification
and blind praise of Mugabe in the government media remained unbroken
throughout the week.
The supine nature
of the official Press’s stories was a result of their narrow sourcing
pattern, which failed to balance ruling party views with any alternatives,
as reflected in Fig 1.
Fig 1. Voice
distribution in the government Press
|
Govt
|
Zanu
PF
|
Mugabe
|
|
5
|
8
|
8
|
Although ZBH’s
sourcing appeared diverse (in Fig 2) nearly all the voices accessed
hailed Mugabe’s comments.
Fig. 2 Voice
distribution on ZBH:
|
Robert
Mugabe
|
Ordinary
People
|
ZANU
PF
|
Alternative
|
Local
Govt
|
Govt
|
Business
|
|
27
|
12
|
11
|
14
|
1
|
8
|
2
|
The government
media found an ally in the Mirror stable.
For instance,
almost all the 10 stories that the stable carried either regurgitated
Mugabe’s statements or simply endorsed his views. The Daily Mirror
(21/2) also carried an 8-page supplement exalting Mugabe.
However, the
rest of the private media showed no such professional passivity
in the 24 stories they carried on the matter, nine of which appeared
on Studio 7, eight on SW Radio Africa and seven in the private papers.
For example,
these media reported commentators taking issue with the extravagance
of the celebrations, Mugabe’s defence of the printing of money,
and his contempt for other African leaders, among other issues.
The Zimbabwe
Independent (24/2) observed that Mugabe’s justification for
printing money to pay the IMF was "no solution to our
woes" but a "strange economic theory"
steeped in "the facile mantras of nationalism and sovereignty".
The paper’s article, Mugabe rapidly losing grip on reality,
also noted that his interview provided the "clearest
sign" of his "detachment from events on
the ground" as he "appeared off message
and handcuffed to the past" thereby "confirming
he is beyond his sell-by date as a leader".
Earlier, Studio
7 (20/2) raised similar sentiments. The station (21/2) also quoted
Professor Munondulo of the New York-based Institute of African Development
advising Mugabe against isolating himself from his African peers
over his unflattering statements. He said the President’s comments
were "not a smart message to be putting out"
since many African leaders were becoming impatient with the crisis
in Zimbabwe.
The Standard
(26/2) wondered why Mugabe was accusing some ministers of ineptitude
when he should "shoulder the blame for appointing non-performers
and then protecting them when they fail to deliver".
The government
media avoided such analysis. Neither did they report on the arrest
and detention of scores of NCA demonstrators protesting against
the lavish birthday celebrations (Studio 7 [21/2] and SW Radio Africa
[23/2]).
Although the
private papers also gave more space to Mugabe, mostly excerpts of
his interview, they tried to balance his views with independent
comment. See Fig 3.
Fig 3 Voice
distribution in the private Press
|
Alternative
|
Govt
|
MDC
|
Mugabe
|
|
7
|
3
|
1
|
7
|
Private radio
stations, as exemplified by Studio 7 (Fig 4), gave more attention
to alternative voices.
Fig. 4 Voice
sourcing pattern on Studio 7
|
Robert
Mugabe
|
Alternative
|
Foreign
Diplomats
|
Lawyers
|
Business
|
|
1
|
5
|
4
|
1
|
1
|
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