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Economic
decline
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Weekly Media Update 2005-34
Monday September 5th – Sunday September 11th
2005
ZIMBABWE’S continued
economic contraction – marked by rising hyperinflation and crippling
shortages of fuel, foreign currency and basic commodities – littered
the media during the week.
The print media
carried 81 stories on the economic decline, 45 of which appeared
in the government-controlled Press and 36 in the private papers.
The electronic media aired 48 stories. Thirty-eight of these appeared
on ZBH (ZTV 17, Power FM 15, Radio Zimbabwe 6) and the remaining
10 on Studio 7. However, the scale of Zimbabwe’s economic difficulties
remained largely undefined in the government media. Although they
reported on indicators of the decline, the stories were mainly piecemeal.
For example,
none of the six reports ZBH carried on government’s doubling of
fuel prices explored its ripple effects on the galloping cost of
living. Neither did the stories, all based on official pronouncements,
reconcile the hike with the continued scarcity of fuel.
ZTV (7/9, 6pm
& 8pm), Power FM (7/9, 8pm) and Radio Zimbabwe (8/9, 6am) merely
reported Power and Energy Minister Mike Nyambuya attributing the
hike to rising international oil prices and the "firming"
of the local currency against the US dollar without quizzing him
on government’s failure to develop workable economic policies that
will decisively rectify the crisis.
Such unprofessionally
docile reporting on important national issues was reflected in all
the 11 stories the government papers carried on the fuel crisis.
The Herald and Chronicle (8/9) only announced the
123% increase in the fuel price without analysing its ripple effects
on commodity prices, inflation and the general state of the economy.
For example, they failed to ask Nyambuya the purpose of raising
the fuel price when, according to his own admission, this would
"not automatically mean that the [fuel] supply situation
would improve".
Rather, they
allowed Policy Implementation Minister Webster Shamu to follow the
same lame official line, blaming the acute fuel shortages on the
"black market", "drought"
and "unpatriotic Zimbabweans lobbying for sanctions".
The papers’ failure to contest Shamu’s claims was in line with
their earlier portrayal (7/9) of the fuel crisis as emanating from
"red tape", "corruption"
and the "diversion" of Zimbabwean-bound
fuel from Mozambique to "some neighbouring countries".
Only the private
media’s 14 stories on the subject (private press [10] and Studio
7 [4]) covered the fuel increase with greater scope by extensively
sourcing comments from economists, labour, transport operators and
ordinary members of the public. For example, The Daily Mirror
(8/9), cited Graduate School of Management lecturer Isaac Kwesu
saying the hike would worsen inflation and the plight of Zimbabweans
as it would push the "black market price of the commodity
higher" and "trigger a round of price increases
in goods and services".
MDC secretary
for economic affairs, Tendai Biti, agreed. He told the Zimbabwe
Independent (9/9) that the fuel price hike, which represented
a cumulative increase of 7,500% in the last two years, was the "most
pervasive of all prices in adding to the momentum of overall inflation…"
and "yet another testimony to the bungling incompetence
in the economic management of the country".
Besides, said
economist Eric Bloch on Studio 7 (8/9), the hike will count for
nothing because "until we see a substantial increase in
export earnings, there will still be a shortage of foreign currency
hence a shortage of fuel".
In fact, the
same bulletin quoted commuters complaining that because of the fuel
increase – which immediately triggered commuter bus fare hikes of
at least 70 percent – they could no longer afford public transport.
In addition, it cited commuter omnibus operators defending the fare
increases, saying they have to survive since they were sourcing
foreign currency from the parallel market to import fuel and spare
parts.
SW Radio Africa
(9/9) also reported on the fare hikes.
In contrast,
the official media maintained its lopsided coverage. They merely
focussed on the impact of the hike on the transport sector alone
and ignored its repercussions on other sectors of the economy.
And while The
Herald (9/9) highlighted the high cost of running commuter omnibuses
to justify the operators’ fare hikes, it failed to reconcile this
with Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo’s declaration outlawing
the fare increases, saying they "should not go up by
more than10 percent".
Neither did
it point out the policy contradictions between Chombo’s desire to
prescribe prices for businesses and remarks by Finance Minister
Herbert Murerwa suggesting that price controls be dropped and "allow
market forces to determine prices of goods", as reported
in The Daily Mirror and SW Radio Africa (6/9).
ZBH’s handling
of Zimbabwe’s economic decline was not different either. For example,
the 10 stories it devoted to Zimbabwe’s near expulsion from the
IMF were steeped in official bias. As a result, they failed to honestly
address the background leading to the souring of relations in the
first place and its bearing on Zimbabwe’s current economic doldrums.
Instead, Power
FM (10/9, 1pm) narrowly celebrated Zimbabwe’s subsequent six-month
reprieve from expulsion from the IMF as an "achievement…against
all odds as countries against Zimbabwe had gone all out to decampaign
on-going efforts to revive the country’s economy".
Such simplistic
evaluation was also evident on ZTV (10/9, 6pm), which failed to
balance Murerwa’s claims that the IMF’s decision not to expel Zimbabwe
would "improve the economy" with the Fund’s continued
reservations on Zimbabwe’s economic policies.
In fact, The
Herald (9/9) comment, Zim can survive with or without IMF,
sought to dismiss the Fund’s concerns saying, the "country
has adopted home grown solutions to its challenges and it is common
knowledge that these have begun to bear fruit" despite
"sanctions-induced foreign currency shortages and the
rising rate of inflation".
However, besides
this pre-emptive article, published on the eve of the Fund’s board
meeting to discuss Zimbabwe’s membership, the rest of the nine stories
the government Press carried on Zimbabwe’s turbulent relations with
the IMF fairly represented the matter.
So were the
10 stories that Studio 7 aired.
The generally
passive manner in which the government media handled the country’s
economic troubles was reflected in their sourcing pattern as reflected
in Fig 1 and 2.
Although they
accessed comments from alternative sources, their views were largely
suffocated by the supine tone of their stories.
Fig 1 Voice
distribution in the public Press
|
Govt
|
Alternative
|
Business
|
Ordinary
people
|
Police
|
Professional
|
Foreign
|
Zanu
PF
|
|
37
|
20
|
14
|
6
|
2
|
4
|
6
|
2
|
Fig 2 Voice
Distribution on ZBH
|
Govt
|
ZANU
PF
|
Business
|
Alternative
|
Professional
|
Reader/Reporter
|
|
7
|
1
|
6
|
2
|
4
|
7
|
In comparison,
private papers and Studio 7 gave greater latitude to alternative
views, which they mainly balanced with the official perspective
as mirrored in Figs 3 and 4.
Fig 3 Voice
distribution in the private Press
|
Govt
|
Alternative
|
Business
|
Ordinary
people
|
Police
|
Professional
|
Foreign
|
MDC
|
Unnamed
|
|
20
|
24
|
11
|
4
|
1
|
5
|
3
|
5
|
2
|
Fig 4 Voice
distribution on Studio 7
|
Govt
|
Foreign
diplomats
|
MDC
|
Alternative
|
Ordinary
People
|
Professional
|
Business
|
|
4
|
3
|
1
|
12
|
2
|
1
|
1
|
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