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Election
countdown
Media Monitoring
Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2005-05
Monday January 31st – Sunday February 6th
2005
THE unprofessional
manner in which the government media have since handled the pre-election
period was further demonstrated by the partisan way they reported
approvingly on government and ZANU PF’s preparations for the March
poll while being spiteful towards the opposition MDC or ignoring
the party’s activities altogether.
For example,
none of the 27 stories the government Press published on the topic
depicted the MDC positively. Rather, eight of these stories – comprising
news features and editorials – were negative portrayals of the opposition
party.
The rest of
the stories (70%) were either passive endorsements of official proclamations
relating to government’s electoral preparations or campaign activities
of the ruling party. Further, most of these stories simultaneously
campaigned against the MDC.
For example,
while 10 of the stories carried in the government papers unquestioningly
welcomed President Mugabe’s March 31st poll date announcement,
they contained unflattering observations about the MDC’s decision
to finally participate in the elections under "protest"
against what it says are unfair electoral conditions. In fact, the
Chronicle (4/2) narrowly presented the MDC’s ultimate decision
to take part in the election with a "heavy heart"
as a "U-turn". In addition, The Herald
of the same day craftily obfuscated the opposition party’s concerns
over the uneven electoral playing field by juxtaposing its poll
participation announcement with a story claiming that South Africa
approved of Zimbabwe’s electoral reforms.
But ZBH was
worse. It censored the MDC’s decision the day it happened and buried
the only two stories it carried on the matter deep in ZTV’s evening
bulletins the following day. Radio Zimbabwe ignored the issue altogether.
Otherwise, 43%
of the 40 reports the broadcaster carried on election related matters
were on ZANU PF activities. Six (15%) were uncritical official announcements
on the election date while two (5%) were on the confirmation by
other, smaller parties, such as ZANU Ndonga to contest the election.
The rest sought to give the impression that the country will hold
a democratic election despite alleged efforts by Britain and the
US to discredit the electoral process.
Consequently,
the MDC’s concerns over the country’s electoral environment were
never explored. Instead, the government Press, as exemplified by
The Herald’s Nathaniel Manheru column (5/2) diverted
attention from these matters by deriding the MDC as a Western puppet,
saying the opposition party had actually been ordered by British
Prime Minister Tony Blair to participate in the elections.
Only the private
media tried to balance the issues by according space to the MDC
and civic society’s concerns about the inequitable electoral structures
in the 48 stories they carried on election-related political developments.
Twenty-six appeared on private radio stations.
For example,
while The Daily Mirror (three stories) and Zimbabwe Independent
(one story) acknowledged the MDC’s apparent confusion over its position
on the election, the private Press carried 13 stories (59%) highlighting
the harsh electoral environment that still threatens the fairness
of the polls.
The rest of
the stories were official announcements on the election date, the
MDC’s subsequent decision to participate in it and reports on the
MDC’s activities.
In fact, the
private Press’s professional presentation of the issues was illustrated
by its sourcing pattern, which sought to balance opinions between
those of the MDC and civic society, on one hand, and those of government
and the ruling party, on the other, as shown in Fig 1.
Fig 1 Voice
distribution in the private Press
Voice
|
Number
of voices
|
Government
and Zanu PF
|
9
|
MDC
|
3
|
Foreign
voices
|
0
|
Alternative
voices
|
10
|
Lawyer
|
1
|
Editorial/opinion
|
3
|
Other
opposition parties
|
4
|
Total
|
30
|
Notably, government
and ZANU PF voices were lumped together as it was difficult to separate
the two. Significant too, was that not all alternative voices quoted
in the private media spoke favourably of the MDC. For example, The
Daily Mirror (4/2) quoted political analysts Heneri Dzinotyiwei
and Eldred Masunungure mocking the MDC’s efforts to qualify its decision
to contest the election.
This pattern
differed from that in the government Press. Except for the six voices
from the MDC and four from other political parties, the rest (77%)
of the 44 voices quoted by the government papers were supportive
of officialdom. Although the MDC was quoted six times in these papers,
their voices were almost always ridiculed or emasculated through
editorial intrusions as exemplified by The Herald (4/2).
The trend was
similar on ZBH, whose sources were predominantly ZANU PF as shown
in Fig. 2.
Fig 2 Voice
distribution on ZBH
Voice
|
Total
|
ZANU PF
|
15
|
Government
|
5
|
MDC
|
1
|
Alternative
|
4
|
Other
Parties
|
1
|
War veterans
|
3
|
Lawyer
|
1
|
Total
|
30
|
As has become the
norm, the four alternative voices ZBH quoted in its reports, largely
endorsed official policies, particularly government’s electoral reforms.
While the government
media gave the impression that there were no other MDC events apart
from its decision to participate in the elections, SW Radio Africa,
in one of its three clear reports on the party’s activities, reported
that the opposition had held campaign rallies in Gokwe, Zhombe and
Kadoma.
It also reported
that Security Minister Nicholas Goche had allegedly disrupted some
of the party’s rallies in Mashonaland Central. However, the report
only relied on the MDC and failed to seek comments from Goche or
the police for balance. In fact, the failure by the station, and
indeed Studio 7, to balance their election-related stories was reflected
by the lack of ZANU PF sources in their stories.
For instance,
in all their stories, the stations quoted alternative voices 10
times and the MDC eight times. Other opposition parties were quoted
twice. None were ZANU PF.
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