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Free
and fair poll?
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2005-04
Monday January 24th – Sunday January 30th
2005
DESPITE government’s
repeated claims that its recent electoral reforms would translate
into the holding of a democratic election in March, media reports
– including those under government control – indicated that conditions
for free and fair polls in the country still remain a mirage.
Notable however,
was the passive manner in which the government media reported on
the matter in 24 (69%) of the 35 stories they carried on election
issues and politically related developments. Although their stories
highlighted symptoms of the flawed electoral environment, especially
the confusion that characterised the just-ended registration and
voter inspection exercises, they made no effort to relate them to
the overall electoral disarray, which observers and the opposition
contend would make a democratic election extremely unlikely. Neither
did they view this as government’s continued mismanagement of the
electoral process.
Only the private
media made concerted efforts unravel some of these sticky electoral
issues in 68 stories they carried on the matter. SW Radio Africa
led the electoral debate with 16 stories followed by Studio 7’s
14.
These private
radio stations particularly discussed the undesirability of some
of the provisions in the new electoral laws, which, for example,
facilitate the drafting of state security agents into the electoral
process. These stations, and indeed the private Press, continued
to publicise mounting concerns by civic, opposition, regional and
international bodies over the repressive environment under which
the ZANU PF government still plans to hold the elections.
On the other
hand, the official media muffled these issues, with ZBH going the
extra mile in blacking out the reported persecution of the opposition.
Fig. 1 Electronic
media’s coverage of political harassment
| Station
|
Arrests
|
Banning
of meetings |
Politically
motivated violence |
Total
Number of stories. |
Total
number of incidents |
Perpetrators
|
Victims
|
| ZTV
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
-
|
-
|
| Radio
Zimbabwe |
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
-
|
-
|
| SW
Radio Africa |
3
|
1
|
1
|
5
|
6
|
ZANU
PF and State security agents |
MDC
activists |
| Studio
7 |
3
|
1
|
1
|
5
|
6
|
ZANU
PF and State security agents |
MDC
activists |
Four of the
10 stories carried by the two independent stations were on the same
two topics, namely the arrest of two MDC MPs, Thokozani Khupe and
Nelson Chamisa.
And while ZBH
concealed these arrests (and the other incidents) from its audiences,
the government Press (The Herald and the Chronicle)
only carried three stories on them. Even then, they did not view
this development as government’s continued ill-treatment of the
opposition. For example, The Herald and Chronicle
(27/1) simply portrayed Chamisa as disrespectful of the rule
of law, noting simplistically that he had a pending court case arising
from organising an unsanctioned party meeting last year.
The government
media’s bias against the MDC was further reflected by the fact that
out of 37 voices these papers quoted in their political and election-related
stories, only one was MDC as shown in Fig 2.
Fig 2 Voice
distribution in the government Press
|
Voice
|
Total
|
|
Government
and ZANU PF
|
15
|
|
MDC
|
1
|
|
ZANU Ndonga
|
1
|
|
Alternative
|
5
|
|
Members
of the public
|
2
|
|
Editorial/Comments
|
4
|
|
Police
|
4
|
|
Lawyer
|
4
|
|
Electoral
bodies
|
1
|
|
Total
|
37
|
Notably, it
was difficult to distinguish the difference between government and
ZANU PF voices in the analysis because some government officials
were quoted in their capacity as civil servants but promoted ruling
party rhetoric.
And although
the government Press quoted lawyers of the arrested MDC MPs, they
were merely used to confirm the detention of their clients and not
to discuss charges preferred against them, as was the case in the
private media.
Tangible views
of the MDC only found space in the private media in their coverage
of election and politically related developments. And, unlike the
official media, they tried to balance the opposition’s views with
those of the ruling party as shown in Fig.3.
Fig. 3 Voice
distribution in the Private Press
|
Voice
|
Total
|
|
Government
and ZANU PF
|
20
|
|
MDC
|
22
|
|
Alternative
|
14
|
|
Editorial/Comments
|
7
|
|
Foreign
voices
|
9
|
|
Unnamed
|
6
|
|
Police
|
3
|
|
Lawyer
|
5
|
|
Electoral
bodies
|
1
|
|
Total
|
87
|
While the private
media exposed the regional and international community’s growing
concerns over the country’s uneven electoral process in at least
15 reports, eight of which appeared in the Zimbabwe Independent,
the government media suffocated the matter. For example, ZBH was
totally silent on the pending fact-finding visits by SADC and the
South African labour union, COSATU, ahead of the elections, while
the official Press only covered these matters three times.
Moreover, these
stories only emerged in the context of official responses to COSATU’s
planned mission, which was discredited on the grounds that government
had already conformed to regional election standards.
However, Studio
7 (29/1) revealed that South Africa’s ruling ANC and its alliance
partners, the Communist Party and COSATU, had agreed that Zimbabwe’s
"conditions do not appear to be conducive to free and
fair elections".
But the private
radio stations were guilty of failing to give the ruling party the
right of reply in their stories, or at least, indicate that they
had solicited comments from them.
Visit
the MMPZ fact
sheet
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