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ZANU
PF Affairs
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted from Weekly Media Update 2005-2
Monday January 10th – Sunday January 16th
2005
PROFESSIONAL
passivity and sheer partisan reporting characterized the government
media’s generous coverage of the circumstances surrounding the ruling
party’s primary elections to select candidates for this year’s parliamentary
elections.
These media
carried 63 reports on the issue. But their charitable coverage of
the matter did not translate into critical, independent analysis
of the in-house skirmishes and general chaos that typified the selection
process.
This was left
to the private media, which carried 39 stories on the matter, all
exposing the internal bickering and thereby contradicting the impression
created by the government media that the ruling party’s elections
had been democratically held under an enabling environment. They
also pointed out, contrary to official claims that the selection
process demonstrated ZANU PF’s democratic nature, that the regulations
were meant to purge dissenting voices, especially those involved
in the Tsholotsho fiasco.
The government
media’s biased reporting was also reflected in its over dependence
on ZANU PF voices for comment almost to the exclusion of other observers,
as exemplified by ZBH (ZTV and Radio Zimbabwe)’s sourcing patterns
versus that of private radio stations. (See Fig. 1).
Fig. 1 Voice
Distribution by ZBH and Private Radio Stations
Voice
|
ZBH
|
Private
Radio Stations
|
|
ZANU PF
|
18 (67%)
|
1 (10%)
|
|
MDC
|
- (0%)
|
- (0%)
|
|
Alternative
|
2 (7%)
|
2 (20%)
|
|
Journalist/Reader
|
7 (26%)
|
7 (70%)
|
Total
|
27
|
10
|
This meant that
these media’s presentation of developments in the ruling party,
unlike those from the private media, were always one-sided. Moreover,
although ZBH categorized Chen Chimutengwende as one of its alternative
voices representing Global Africa Network, the former Information
Minister is actually a ruling party MP for Mazowe East.
The same sourcing
pattern was mirrored in the way the government and Private Press
reported on the issue as shown in Fig. 2.
Fig. 2 Government
and Private Press voice distribution.
Voice
|
Government
Press
|
Private
Press
|
|
ZANU PF
|
35 (88%)
|
39 (64%)
|
|
MDC
|
-
|
5 (8%)
|
|
Alternative
|
0
|
3 (4%)
|
|
Opinions/editorials
|
2 (6%)
|
-
|
|
ZRP
|
1 (3%)
|
-
|
|
War vets
|
|
1 (2%)
|
|
Traditional
chiefs
|
|
1 (2%)
|
Unnamed
|
1 (3%)
|
12(20%)
|
Total
|
39
|
61
|
Notably, although
the private Press’ sources were also predominantly ZANU PF (39 voices
or 64%), they spiced their stories with comments from diversified
backgrounds.
Meanwhile, the
government media’s preoccupation with the political activities of
ZANU PF resulted in them paying scant attention to other political
developments, particularly those involving the opposition MDC.
This was illustrated
by the fact that these media carried only six stories on the MDC.
Half the reports portrayed the party in bad light, one was on MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai’s trip to Zambia, while the other two quoted
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku blaming the opposition party for
the delays in the finalisation of their court petitions in which
they are challenging some of the 2000 parliamentary election results.
The private
media accorded greater publicity to the opposition. For example,
the private radio stations Studio 7 and SW Radio Africa together
carried seven stories on the MDC’s election preparations. Their
reports however, were biased because they were based exclusively
on MDC sources.
Notwithstanding
this, SW Radio Africa (10/1 and 12/1) aired four stories that recorded
four incidents of politically motivated violence and intimidation
against MDC activists and commercial farmers. Those responsible
for the crimes were reported to be ZANU PF supporters and traditional
chiefs. But all the stories lacked official corroboration.
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fact sheet
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