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Land
and the politics of power
Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
Extracted of the Weekly Media Update 2004-22
Monday May 31st Sunday June 6th 2004
THE chaotic
nature of government’s land reforms, always dismissed by the authorities
as a lie being peddled by government opponents to discredit the
programme, resurfaced this week following the emergence of alleged
eviction notices served on newly resettled farmers by the Lands
Ministry headed by John Nkomo. Notable however, was the simplistic
way in which the government-controlled media, particularly ZBC,
The Herald and The Sunday Mail,
covered the matter. They neither viewed the problem as arising from
the general chaos that has characterised the reforms since their
inception, nor a vindication of the results of government’s own
land audits undertaken in the past two years. Instead, they personalized
the matter by accusing Nkomo and his office of plotting to derail
land reforms by handing back expropriated land to evicted white
commercial farmers. This aroused the curiosity of the private media
over a possible political motive for such an agenda.
In its initial
report on the issue, The Herald (31/5) accused "a
group of civil servants and some unnamed politicians as the protagonists
in this despicable scandal", an allegation that was
echoed by ZTV that same evening. ZTV also reported that the development
had precipitated new farm invasions by "scores of land
hungry Zimbabweans" in protest against "government
bureaucrats trying to return land to the whites" thus
derailing "an otherwise successful land reform".
No analysis was made on the legality of such invasions. Instead,
it quoted liberation war veterans and war collaborators’ groups
as having "vowed to do all they can, including going
back to war if some people are still bent on returning land to the
white minority."
War veterans’
leader Joseph Chinotimba accused those behind the eviction notices
as the same people who "played a part in suppressing
the first land demos". But he was not seen revealing
their names. However, he was more categorical in The Herald
the next day (1/6) where he accused Nkomo and his permanent secretary,
Simon Pazvakavambwa, of complicity in the purported withdrawal of
offer letters to the new farmers. He also claimed that Nkomo had,
during the height of farm invasions, ordered the "arrest
of our members …carrying out land occupations and also demolished
our houses when he was the Minister of Home Affairs".
Chinotimba even
issued an ultimatum to Nkomo saying the minister should urgently
convene a meeting to explain the deeds of Pazvakavambwa "or
risk being hauled before a meeting that would be convened by war
veterans". Nkomo and Pazvakavambwa were not given an
equal platform to defend themselves. The paper merely cited Nkomo
as having dismissed the eviction notices as "fake"
during an interview with ZTV (31/5, 8pm) and that
Pazvakavambwa could not be reached for comment.
However, the
issue took a political twist with The Tribune (4/6) reporting
that "tempers were high this week during the ZANU PF
Cabinet and Politburo meetings" with some members saying
there might now be "fifth columnists" in
the party who were trying to destroy the ruling party from within
after having failed to do so from outside. The Zimbabwe Independent
(4/6) reported the same sentiments.
SW Radio Africa
(2/6) quoted Zimbabwe Liberators’ Platform official Wilfred Mhanda
speculating that Chinotimba was being used by some senior ZANU PF
officials to attack Nkomo. The Sunday Mirror (6/6)’s Behind
the Words column reflected a similar view saying Chinotimba
was being used by "worms" within ZANU PF
who espoused "policies that make Zimbabwe a laughing
stock of the world" and spoke "destructive
venom each time they open their motormouths".
However, in
his interview with The Tribune, Nkomo alleged that
the attacks on him and his ministry were calculated to divert attention
from the irregularities bedevilling the land reform programme that
his office had unearthed. For example, the minister claimed that
the presidential land implementation team had uncovered several
anomalies while verifying land allocation and ownership. These included
multiple ownership, multiple allocations, double allocations and
people on land without offer letters. Nkomo was quoted by the paper
as saying they had since discovered that about 63 individuals owned
multiple farms totalling 102 427 ha, which some of them had started
parcelling out to relatives when they realised that the ministry’s
net was closing in on them.
Although the
paper did not ask him to divulge the identities of the 63, it claimed
that its independent investigations had revealed that among them
were ministers, deputy ministers and senior government officials.
In fact, The Sunday News (6/5) revealed that
some of these government officials were refusing to hand over their
extra farms.
Nkomo was further
quoted in The Tribune saying his ministry had discovered
that there were 3,212 people issued with offer letters although
they were not on the land. Said Nkomo: "This suggested
that this land is hidden somewhere or …that there were some beneficiaries
that had not been given (offer) letters and … that some could be
ghost beneficiaries".
In addition,
Nkomo said, there were 1,513 vacant A2 plots compared to 99 971
applicants on the waiting list, a situation which "did
not make any sense" because government still held so
much derelict land that had been offered but remained unoccupied.
The Daily
Mirror (2/6), the Zimbabwe Independent and The
Standard (6/5) carried an IRIN report alleging that several
small, medium and large commercial farms given to resettled farmers
under land reforms still remained fallow. In fact, serious economic
repercussions arising from land resettlement were clearly indicated
in a Daily Mirror (2/6) report, which claimed that despite
government claims of a bumper harvest, the authorities were actually
spending "hundreds of billion of dollars on maize imports
with the assistants of US-based companies". The story,
based on the London-based Africa Confidential, alleged
that about 400 000 tonnes of maize had been imported between April
and May this year. This was confirmed by the chief executive officer
of the Grain Marketing Board, Col. Samuel Muvhuti, who stated that
the importation of the food was "intended to feed the
nation" during harvesting time.
But The Sunday
Mail (6/4) would not debate these issues at all. Instead,
it followed in the footpath of its stable-mate, The Herald,
in personalising the problems besetting the agrarian reforms.
For example, the paper’s faceless columnist Lowani Ndlovu diverted
public attention from the real issues at hand by carrying personal
attacks on The Tribune owner and ZANU PF MP, Kindness Paradza,
for having allowed his paper to "trap" Nkomo
into accusing some ZANU PF insiders of scheming to discredit his
regularisation of the land reforms.
Ndlovu noted
that it was "simply unacceptable" for Paradza to attack
ZANU PF policies or programmes outside the "party caucus".
However, Ndlovu conveniently ignored how The Herald had provided
Chinotimba with an unrivalled stage to attack Nkomo and his officers.
In fact, Chinotimba, whom private media reports (The Tribune 4/6)
claimed was due for disciplinary action over his outburst against
Nkomo, was quoted by The Financial Gazette (3/6) as saying he would
apologise to the minister "because we got to know he was unaware
of the letters". The
government media ignored this. Instead, The Sunday Mail added a
conspiracy theory to the whole issue by implicating the MDC and
the shadowy pressure group, Zvakwana. The MDC was accused of allegedly
bribing some government and ZANU PF officials to produce documents
purporting to withdraw land offered to new farmers in an operation
aimed at restoring acquired land to former white farmers. No authenticated
evidence was provided.
As the week
drew to a close, The Herald, Chronicle (4/6) and ZBC
(4/6, 8pm) reported that the Supreme Court had passed a "landmark
judgment" that would bring relief to the new farmers
who have been receiving eviction letters after the superior court
ruled that an order to acquire land for resettlement could not be
withdrawn six months after it has been issued. The ruling also empowered
the Lands Ministry with the sole authority to either revoke or withdraw
an acquisition order. This was a result of an appeal by Airfield
Investments (Pvt) Ltd challenging the dismissal by the High Court
of an application to bar the State from acquiring its property pending
the determination of the constitutionality of sections 8, 9 and
10 of the Land Acquisition Act.
However, these
media failed to fully examine the consequences of the ruling on
the rights of the white commercial farmers, prime targets of the
government’s land acquisition programme. The
private Press missed this story.
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