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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
MoU
Dialogue delays Parliament - Bill Watch 30/2008
Veritas
July 26, 2008
Opening
of Parliament further delayed
The Inter-Party
Memorandum of Understanding [MoU] signed on 21st July states:
“The Parties shall not, during the subsistence of the Dialogue,
take any decisions or measures that have a bearing on the agenda
of the Dialogue, save by consensus. Such decisions or measures include,
but are not limited to the convening of Parliament or the formation
of a new government.” [Paragraph 9: Decisions by the Parties]
Note: The MoU
requires the Dialogue between the parties to be completed by 4th
August. “The Dialogue commenced on 10 July 2008 and will continue
until the Parties have finalised all necessary matters, save for
short breaks that may be agreed upon for purposes of consultation.
It is envisaged that the Dialogue will be completed within a period
of two weeks from the date of signing of this MoU. [Paragraph 6:
Time frames]
This means that,
irrespective of the Constitutional
requirements [Parliament
should have met by 15th July], there is obviously going to be a
further delay in the opening of Parliament. This has been confirmed
by Parliament.
Possibility
of Constitutional Amendment
If the MoU talks
result in an agreement on changes in governance [e.g. the creation
of a Prime Minister, change in Presidential executive powers, additional
seats in Parliament, etc.] there would have to be a Constitutional
amendment. This would be amendment 19.
It is noteworthy
that in Kenya earlier this year the inter-party agreement to resolve
the post-election crisis resulted in an agreed Constitutional Amendment
and a National Accord and Reconciliation Act enshrining the terms
of the agreement and providing for the office and powers of a Prime
Minister.
Would a Constitutional
Amendment affect when Parliament reopens?
Under our Constitution,
a Constitution Amendment Bill must be published in the Government
Gazette at least 30 days before its introduction into Parliament
[Constitution, section 52(2)].
If there is
to be a Constitutional Amendment, this raises the question of whether
this would result in an even further postponement of Parliament.
The options
would be to:
- Ignore the
30 day Constitutional provision – very improbable as this
could lead to court challenges on legitimacy of any government
business pursuant to such a fast tracked amendment
- Delay the
opening of Parliament until 30 days have elapsed and the Bill
can be dealt with – but Constitutionally Parliament should
have opened on 15th July.
- Open Parliament
for other business while waiting for the 30 days to elapse. This
seems to be the most likely scenario – but current Ministers
who failed to win Parliamentary seats in the recent elections
could not continue to hold office after the first meeting of Parliament
[see below].
Appointment
of Ministers
At the moment
Ministers have continued in office. Mr Mugabe's long-standing practice
has been to announce new Ministerial and Cabinet appointments immediately
after every re-election as President. However, it is now clear from
the MoU [see paragraph 9, quoted above] that no appointments will
be made except in accordance with consensus reached in the Dialogue.
As the preamble
to the MoU refers to the need for the parties to work together in
an "inclusive government", it is likely that in an inclusive,
power sharing government there will be some sort of agreed distribution
among the parties of Ministerial and Cabinet posts. Under the present
Constitution, and until a Constitutional Amendment is passed which
may change the situation, a Ministers must already have a Parliamentary
seat or be one of the 5 Senate appointees, or acquire a seat within
3 months. Seats would become vacant if elected members of Parliament
are chosen as Speaker of the House of Assembly and President of
the Senate, or are appointed as Provincial Governors, or die, resign
or are expelled [for non-attendance or conviction of serious crime].
These vacancies would have to be filled by by-election, not appointment,
and by-elections take time [at least 2 weeks from proclamation if
uncontested and 6 weeks if contested].
ZANU PF nominees
who did not get elected [see end of Bill Watch for details] and
also any new MDC Ministers not already in Parliament would have
to be accommodated. MDC Tsvangirai’s likely nominees for ministerial
posts already have seats. [Note: if Mr Tsvangirai were to become
Prime Minister, he would have to get a seat in the House of Assembly
not the Senate.] None of the MDC Mutambara executive won seats,
so if any of them are to become Ministers, seats would have to be
found for them. If available seats are insufficient to meet immediate
needs, one solution would be to increase the number of appointed
seats – which would require a Constitutional amendment.
Who
will appoint Ministers and Cabinet?
The MoU does
not in fact acknowledge the recent swearing in of the President,
and the signatories to the MOU were Mr Mugabe in his role of President
of ZANU PF and Mr Tsvangirai and Mr Mutambara in their roles as
Presidents of the two MDCs. It is not clear how the issue of Presidential
legitimacy will be handled, but it is likely that the agenda item
“framework of government’” will include redefining
of Presidential executive power, whether or not there will be a
Prime Minister and how Ministers and Cabinet will be appointed.
Note: Under
the original Lancaster House version of the Constitution [1980],
Zimbabwe had a Prime Ministerial system in which the President was
titular Head of State but real executive power was vested in the
Prime Minister. Ministers were formally appointed by the President
who was obliged to act on the advice of the Prime Minister. Parliament
was summoned and dissolved on the advice of the Prime Minister.
[The present Executive Presidency was introduced by Constitution
Amendment No. 7 in late 1987.]
If there is
to be a Prime Minister advising the President on appointments, then
the Constitution would have to be amended accordingly. In the meantime
if Parliament reopens presumably Ministers will be appointed by
President Mugabe, but following the terms laid down in the negotiated
agreement.
Appointment
of Vice-Presidents
Like Ministers,
Vice-Presidents are appointed by the President. The current Vice-Presidents
have continued in office, but as a Vice-President also has to be
a member of Parliament, one current Vice-President who did not win
a seat in the elections, will lose his post unless a seat is found
for him. If there were to be an increase in the number of Vice-Presidents,
or the office were to be abolished or the roles changed, this would
require an amendment to the Constitution. [Note: when Zimbabwe had
a Prime Minister and “non-executive” President there
were no Vice-Presidents.]
Appointment
of Provincial Governors
The ten Provincial
Governors are appointed by the President in terms of the Provincial
Councils and Administration Act and can be removed from office at
any time. The terms of office of the current provincial governors
are due to expire on 31st July 2008. It seems likely that new appointments
will be delayed until after the MoU talks. As Provincial Governors
are ex officio members of the Senate [Constitution, section 34(1)(b)],
in a power sharing agreement these posts also may be divided up
between parties.
Position
of Heads of Uniformed Forces
Although the
heads of the uniformed forces are appointed by the President under
the Constitution, the Constitution is in fact silent on their removal
from office before expiry of their appointed term. The terms and
conditions of their contracts are not matters of public record.
Vice
President and Ministers who did not get re-elected
Once Parliament
opens the Vice-President and 10 current ZANU Ministers [see list
below] who did not win Parliamentary seats in the recent elections
cannot continue to hold office unless they have by then become members
of Parliament [they have all completed 3 months without being members
of Parliament]. [Constitution, section 31E(2)): "No person
shall hold office as Vice-President, Minister or Deputy Minister
for longer than three months unless he is a member of Parliament:
Provided that [i.e. Except that] if during that period Parliament
is dissolved, he may continue to hold such office without being
a member of Parliament until Parliament first meets after the dissolution.]
Vice-President:
Joseph Msika
Ministers: Patrick
Chinamasa [Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs], Samuel Mumbengegwi
[Finance], Aeneas Chigwedere [Education, Sport and Culture], Amos
Midzi [Mines and Mining Development], Mike Nyambuya [Energy and
Power Development], Joseph Made [Agricultural Mechanisation and
Engineering], Munacho Mutezo [Water Resources and Infrastructural
Development], Sikhanyiso Ndlovu [Information and Publicity], Chris
Mushowe [Transport and Communications], Oppah Muchinguri [Women
Affairs, Gender and Community Development] and Rugare Gumbo [Agriculture].
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