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The
situation of commercial farm workers after land reform in Zimbabwe
Report for Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) by Lloyd M.
Sachikonye
May
2003
http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/livelihoods/landrights/downloads/zimfwsit.rtf
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Executive
summary
Introduction
Land reform has brought about the most far-reaching redistribution
of resources in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980. After a slow
but orderly process of redistribution between 1980 and 1999, a fast-track
programme was implemented between 2000 and 2002. Variously termed
‘an agrarian revolution’, ’Third Chimurenga’ (liberation struggle)
or ’jambanja’ (direct action), this latter phase of land reform
involved the acquisition of 11 million hectares from white commercial
farmers for redistribution in a process marked by considerable coercion
and violence. An estimated 300,000 small farmers were resettled
and about 30,000 black commercial farmers had received land by the
end of 2002.
Prior to land
reform, an estimated 320,000 to 350,000 farm workers were employed
on commercial farms owned by about 4,500 white farmers. Their dependants
numbered between 1.8 and 2 million (nearly 20 per cent of the country’s
population). How did farm workers fare in the massive redistribution
of land? What was the broad impact on them? And what are their future
prospects?
By the beginning
of 2003, only about 100,000 farm workers, a third of the original
workforce, were still employed on the farms and plantations. What
was the fate of the other 200,000 or so, who together with their
families amount to a population of more than 1 million? What sort
of livelihoods do they have in the aftermath of land reform? Do
they have enough to eat, given the big decline in crop output in
the large-scale commercial farming sector? These issues are the
subject of this report.
The purpose
of the report
This
report aims to assess the situation of farm workers, in particular
the profound effects of the fast-track land reform. Most farm workers
face a very difficult situation. Up to two-thirds of them are jobless
and landless. In many cases this means they have lost their entitlement
to housing on the farms, to basic social services (health and education),
and to subsidised food. Displaced workers are stranded on farms,
while others seek to find shelter in fast-growing ‘informal settlements’
where social conditions are desperate. The study investigates these
conditions and the coping strategies of farm workers. It also analyses
the following:
- the impact
of the decline in food security on farm workers
- the effects
of the HIV-AIDS epidemic on their livelihoods and family structure
- the evolving
relationships between farm workers, small farmers and commercial
farmers
- the gender
dimension in employment and access to land
- the immediate
and long-term needs of farm workers.
The focus of
this report derives from the mission and programme priorities of
the Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ), which commissioned
it. The FCTZ is a local non-governmental organisation committed
to the empowerment of farm workers to achieve a better and secure
life, and the creation of an environment conducive to the holistic
growth of commercial farming communities. It has pursued this objective
through a coordinated programme of community development, advocacy
and communication targeted at those who can facilitate change in
the sector. The significant reduction (by about 90 per cent) in
the numbers of white commercial farms and of farm workers (about
70 per cent), and a concern for the welfare of displaced workers
have inspired FCTZ to review its programme focus. Based on material
from an extensive national survey completed in November 2002, this
report is a contribution to that process of review. The survey was
based on a sample of 160 farms and 977 farm worker households in
eight provinces, and interviews with stakeholders in the commercial
agricultural sector.
The context
and broad impact of reform
The
report situates its assessment of the conditions of farm workers
in the broader framework of the land question and the historical
development of farm worker communities. The land question centred
on the inequitable distribution of land between black and white
populations. The compelling case for land reform was that of historical
redress. In particular, land redistribution was desirable as an
outlet for small farmers in the congested communal areas, and for
the increasing numbers of landless.
The report provides
a historical overview of the development of farm workers. Initially
migrant labour drawn from neighbouring countries, their wages, working
and living conditions were often poor. By the 1970s, however, the
majority of farm workers were indigenous black people, who at the
start of the fast-track reform constituted about 75 per cent of
the farm workforce. Although conditions on some farms improved in
the 1990s, they did not have security of tenure or adequate social
safety nets on retirement. A marginalised and vulnerable group,
their political and social rights were restricted for many years.
In assessing
the fast-track programme, the report shows how political and electoral
calculations shaped the pace and direction of reform and explores
the dynamics behind the various phases of the programme. The last
phase of reform witnessed controversy over the allocation and ownership
of model farms, leading to calls for a comprehensive audit of the
programme.
The immediate
consequences of the programme for crop production in the large-scale
commercial sector include significant declines in output of maize
(from 800,000 tonnes in 2000 to about 80,000 tonnes in 2003), wheat
(from 225,000 tonnes in 2000 to less than 100,000 tonnes in 2003),
soya beans (from 145,000 tonnes in 2000 to 30,000 in 2003) and tobacco
(from 230 million kg in 2000 to about 70 million kg in 2003) (CFU,
2003). The declines will have profoundly negative consequences for
the sector, gross domestic product (GDP) and foreign exchange earnings.
Effects on
workers’ livelihoods
Drawing
on field material gathered in October and November 2002 in eight
provinces, the report explores the effects of land reform on employment
and workers’ livelihoods. About 90 per cent of the 160 farms surveyed
had experienced a halt or drastic decline in production, and hence
in employment, following the receipt of eviction orders from the
government. Exceptions to the evictions and decline were large estates
and plantations engaged in tea, coffee, sugar and livestock production,
and those operating in export processing zones.
The overall
picture is one of massive job losses — affecting about 70 per cent
of the original farm workforce. More precise estimates are not possible.
The loss of permanent worker status on farms is widespread. There
is a pronounced trend towards contract or piece-work arrangements.
Both the newly resettled small farmers and ‘new’ large commercial
farmers lack the financial resources and production capacity to
absorb the former permanent workers.
However, despite
the large job losses, a considerable proportion of farm workers
remain living on the farms. There is evidence to suggest that up
to 50 per cent of farm workers stayed on even if they no longer
held jobs. In general, female workers suffered greater loss of employment.
The survey data suggests that more than 50 per cent of permanent
female workers and nearly 60 per cent of seasonal female workers
lost their jobs. This compares with 30 and 33 per cent respectively
for permanent and seasonal male workers. The data also indicate
a decline in permanent and seasonal female workers (by 63 per cent
and 42 per cent respectively) living on farms. That substantial
proportion of female and male workers no longer living on farms
must be experiencing considerable hardship, wherever they are now.
In the survey
sample, only about a quarter of the farm workers who lost jobs had
received severance packages by the end of 2002. The packages would
have cushioned them against loss of income, at least for a few months.
Those who did not receive packages expect to seek piece-work and
other income-earning opportunities. In sum, the loss of a regular
job-based income has undermined the livelihoods of most farm worker
households.
An unfortunate
development is farm workers’ diminishing access to crucial resources
and services. Change in farm ownership has restricted access to
housing, schools, clinics and safe water. Where a farm owner has
been evicted, the running and maintenance of the school and payment
of the teaching staff often cease, leading to the school’s closure.
Most early child education centres (ECECs) have also been closed
down, as have farm clinics.
Food security,
vulnerable groups, HIV-AIDS and coping strategies
Land reform
has had a direct impact on food security at national level as well
as on farm workers’ requirements. The decline in maize and wheat
production since 2000 was compounded in 2001-02 and 2002-03 by a
major drought affecting the entire southern Africa region. In Zimbabwe,
however, the disruptions associated with ‘land invasions’ further
undermined crop production. For jobless farm workers, access to
food has been difficult and irregular. Food aid has been made available
to some of those without a livelihood, and to children under five
and those of school age. The role of the FCTZ in the three Mashonaland
provinces and in Manicaland has been pivotal in this. There have
been deaths from starvation in several provinces. Moreover, despite
efforts to provide food aid, the incidence of malnutrition is increasing
among farm workers’ children on farms and in informal settlements.
Like other social
groups, farm workers have been vulnerable to the HIV-AIDS epidemic.
The prevalence rate among them in the 20-49 year age group is estimated
at higher than 25 per cent. The consequences include a rise in the
number of orphans and child-headed households. Extended family and
nuclear family structures are under severe stress as household assets
are drawn upon to treat people with AIDS-related sicknesses. Resources
and home-based care institutions for the sick are very limited.
Constant food shortages mean poor nutrition for AIDS patients, among
others.
Other vulnerable
groups in the farm worker community include migrant workers and
their descendants, women, the elderly, youth and children. Most
migrant workers or their descendants have no communal homes, land
or jobs to fall back on. There is no social safety net for the elderly
and retired workers, or for women concentrated in insecure, seasonal
jobs.
In response
to the loss of permanent jobs and access to shelter and social services,
farm workers have pursued a number of coping strategies. These include
the itinerant search for piece-work jobs at different farms at different
times, informal trade, gold panning, fishing and hunting. Income
from these activities is irregular and limited, but the workers
appear to have no other options. The working conditions and wages
on the farms of small and new commercial farmers are unattractive.
A few farm worker households receive remittances from relatives
working elsewhere. Some farm workers have created or joined ‘informal
settlements’ on which they have access to a small piece of land,
and to basic, often-rudimentary social services.
Towards the
future
The report
concludes with an examination of the emerging relationship between
the new farmers, both small and large, and farm workers. While the
former have been, by and large, beneficiaries of land reform, the
latter have not, despite appeals for land through their union, the
General Agricultural and Plantation Workers’ Union (GAPWUZ). A somewhat
uneasy relationship exists between the beneficiaries and the farm
workers. There have been conflicts over continued access to farm
housing for farm workers, and over resources such as land, water
and food. However, there are also instances of peaceful co-existence
on some farms.
Although there
has been a substantial decline in union membership, owing to job
losses, about 75 per cent of the union members interviewed still
belonged to GAPWUZ. However, the newly-created and state-sponsored
Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU) also appears to have
members, at least in a few provinces such as Masvingo. The challenges
that GAPWUZ faces are new and manifold. It will need to re-assess
its mission, focus and strategies, now that the farm worker community
is substantially reduced in size.
In assessing
the immediate and medium-term needs of farm workers, the report
draws on priorities suggested by those interviewed for the survey.
Not surprisingly, they identified the more immediate needs of farm
workers as food and land. When the field research was conducted,
in October and November 2002, food scarcity was a major problem
and a livelihood crisis was mounting. This explains the priority
attached to the resources of food and land. Other priority needs
were income generating projects (requested in particular by women
respondents), crop inputs, social infrastructure and services.
The report also
presents recommendations for interventions by non-governmental organistions
(NGOs), governments and donors to avert an evolving crisis.
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