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Report on politically motivated human rights and food-related violations - April 2009
Zimbabwe Peace Project
June 05, 2009

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Executive Summary

The report documents and analyses human rights dynamics and trends in the post inclusive government era particularly questioning the extent to which the inter-party framework has changed the human rights violations profile in the country. While the report is informed by scenarios at both the macro and micro levels of society, fixation is with human rights violations as they unfold in both rural and urban communities. The approach adopted is therefore decidedly bottom up.

Analysis of human rights violations has to be conceptualised within extant macro frameworks. On a positive note, it is encouraging to note that since April there have been some efforts [though belated] towards the implementation of the Global Political Agreement, notable among these being the setting in motion of the constitution making process, deliberations on provisions calling for the replacement of the country's commissions [Media and Information Commission, the Anti Corruption Commission and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission], rolling out of the national Healing and Reconciliation process, and calls to transform this year's independence celebrations into an all-party national event with explicit bans on own party regalia, party slogans and hate language. While the specifics of these initiatives are yet to be laid bare, ZPP believes they constitute efforts in the right direction.

However, the paper notes with concern that most of the issues which were highlighted in our February and March reports still maintain their "outstanding issue" tag scenarios that have seen terms like "GNU in crisis" appearing in several media publications with questions on the survival prospects of the inclusive government.

This pessimism was not without foundation as farming invasions continued unabated and by mid April had forced the Prime Minister to appoint a ministerial team headed by deputy Prime Minister to probe the matter. The Information Communications and Technology Minister reportedly almost resigned over the seizure of the telecommunications portfolio from his ministry while parliamentarians from the MDC T were reportedly rebelling against the party's decree that they should not accept vehicles distributed by the Reserve Bank Governor. A series of "crises' meetings held throughout April to deal with what Minister of Finance calls "toxic" outstanding issues relating to appointments to the central bank governor, Attorney General, permanent secretaries, provincial governors, ambassadors, swearing in of Roy Bennet as deputy minister of Agriculture amid allegations that President Mugabe was refusing to swear him in, and continued detention of MDC activists, among other had reportedly ended in a deadlock.

This feet-dragging and apparent lack of common vision at macro level is reportedly taking its negative toll on micro politics. Two months after the formation of the inclusive government, community activities in all the ten provinces remain operating along strictly structured party lines, some ZANU PF leadership, senior army officers, and war veterans reportedly openly dismissing the inclusive government and giving instructions to their grassroots political structures not to work with MDC structures. At a meeting held at a field day held at Hanawa Business Centre in the Zvishavane Runde constituency of the Midlands on 5 April, the local MP is reported to have claimed that the field day was mainly a ZANU PF event and then went on to castigate MDC branding its leader [who is now PM] as a "sell-out" and a "puppet who called for sanctions", lacing his speech with "Pasi na Tsvangirai" slogans, slogans which, as reported were also echoed by a Colonel who was guest of honour on that day.

In most communities, the issue of forthcoming elections has been converted into a political weapon to intimidate and instil fear into rural villagers by reminding them of what may be in store for them come elections if they dare continue attending meetings held by MDC councillors and MPs or even participate in projects that are financed by political suspect donors. These developments coupled with increased appearance of army details in ongoing ZANU PF party restructuring in the rural areas coupled with increased reports of people snooping on ordinary discussions in rural communities, the fear of retribution is reportedly fast regaining ground.

This anti-inter-party thinking was even manifest at this year's independence celebrations across the country. While there was an explicit ban on party regalia, party slogans and hate speech, experiences from the ten provinces were a far cry from this as deep seated divisions and tensions dogged celebrations with ZANU PF members accused of monopolizing the national events and relegating other political stake-holders to mere spectators. Proceedings and independence speeches were generally lop-sided while party supporters were in some areas so divided that they ended up holding the event and even cooking food separately. In a number of areas, party slogans were reportedly chanted while some party structures appeared in own party regalia. At the National Heroes Acre in Harare, although the leadership of the MDC factions attended the event, ZANU PF monopolized the event from the beginning to end with reference to other political as mere footnotes.

Threats of revenge violence remain pronounced in many parts of the province. In Matema village of Nyanga District, a war veteran who was reportedly notorious during the 27 June elections was reportedly forced to flee from his village after several night visits from suspected MDC activists and the accompanied destruction of his property and belongings. In the same area, a case of revenge arson was also reported in the Gambe village of Nyanga District where a war veteran from ward 24 had his fields of about five hectares set on fire in circumstances that smacked of revenge violence. In the Nyamanda village of Makoni North, an ex-Junta was reportedly pulled out of Inhambitambi bottle store and frog marched to Nyanyadzi River [1km away] where he was reportedly soaked in water in what his perpetrators christened as "MDC baptism". The victim is reported to have since fled from the area.

Demands for redress to livestock and property forcibly taken during the run up to the 27 June elections continue to feature in most reports although state policy on the matter remain elusive while assistance from the local leadership on this emotive issue of remedy was reportedly, not forthcoming either-developments that continue to fuel tension within communities especially amid reports that perpetrators in most areas hardly show any trace of remorse over the atrocities they committed. While it is refreshing to note that the inclusive government's organ on national healing and reconciliation is in the process of rolling out to communities, debates are reportedly raging on about the best route to take with views reportedly against the idea of simply forgiving and forgetting, proposing processes that are accompanied with restorative justice in which perpetrators publicly lay bare to the nation the nature of their atrocities and leave it to the public to forgive them. Implied here is that victims must not be forced to forgive, as forgetting does not imply forgiving. Also closely related to this is the need to urgently address remedy/compensation issues with police and traditional leaders enforcing compensation processes.

Farm invasions continue unabated across the country with most incidents pointing to involvement of powerful government officials, top police and army chefs and influential intelligence operatives professing that they never benefited from the land reform which started in 2000. In Gutu Central of Masvingo, youths reportedly invaded Timmy Farm on the 2nd of April and evicted the victim's workers accusing the owner [Timmy Neil] to be an absentee landowner. The invaders, who have since taken over the farm, are reportedly using the victim's property. In Masvingo Urban, Chief Charumbira and a DA were reportedly fighting each other for the control of Mitchel Farm, the two reportedly seen regularly at the farm-developments that left the owner in fear and uncertain about his future farming activities.

In Zvimba North of Mashonaland West, Minister Ignatius Chombo was reported to have on 19 April ordered white farmer Mark Rousseu to vacate his Hapaz farmhouse, possessions, and farm workers. In Makonde, farm workers at Piringani Farm were on 8 April forced to harvest and leave the farmhouse pronto. In Makonde West, a group of war veterans on 2 April reportedly invaded Flanagun Jiri Farm [also known as Jiri Farm] and ordered the farmer to vacate the farm before demarcating the land amongst themselves. Police from Chinhoyi Chemagamba rural who went to the farm were reportedly told to go back after invaders had shown them offer letters which they claimed had been given to them a long time back. While police promised to conduct further investigations on offer letters, farming activities, especially the harvesting of soya beans, have since been disrupted.

Human rights violations continue to increase cumulatively although April witnessed a slight drop to 1490 from the March toll of 1552. While in January 2008 there were only 585 cases of violations recorded by April 2009 the record had cumulatively increased to 28 029.

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