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Early warning report on politically-motivated human rights and food-related violations
Zimbabwe Peace Project
April 23, 2009

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Overview

February 2009 is set to occupy a special niche in Zimbabwe's post independence history. The month was witness to the birth of an inclusive government comprising ZANU PF and the two MDC factions, MDC-T and MDC-M; an inclusive administrative framework which among other things, was expected to inculcate and nurture the politics of inclusivity at both the macro and micro levels of society.

While these historic developments left the nation in a general celebratory mood, some unfolding events at both the macro and micro levels of society following the formation of the inclusive government cast worrying trends. Since the formation of the inclusive government, the nation became witness to a surge in high profile politically-motivated violations in which involvement of arms of government was reportedly visible, the defence chiefs quoted in some local press as having difficulties saluting the new Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

At grassroots level, a sort of wait-and-see attitude greeted the formation of the new government while fear of yester experiences restrained those who would have wanted to openly celebrate the unfolding developments. In most rural areas, yester perpetrators were reported to be openly dismissing the historic event as a mere "Harare event" that has no full force in rural politics while incidents in which those found celebrating the formation of the inclusive were reportedly assaulted, harassed or even threatened with evictions. In "far from the madding crowd" areas, the grass is still singing with potential resistance.

Since the formation of the inclusive government, grassroots politics has also visibly assumed a disturbing fixation with "panyanga politics" [Who between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai is now at the centre of power?], a retrogressive power-politics question that was reported to be generating tension and reviving yester violence instincts in several communities. Also worrying were reports of some unscrupulous senior politicians were allegedly fanning violence by raising 'panyanga' questions as well as using hate slogans at rallies instead of preaching the new message of political inclusivity. The Zimbabwe Peace Project condemns these practices and exhorts all political leaders to desist from indulging in 'panyanga' politics in their outreach rallies as this preoccupation is indeed counter to the spirit and letter of the Global Political Agreement.

There were also reports of growing tension between perpetrators and victims of violence, yester perpetrators reportedly showing no remorse and even threatening to make a repeat of what they did to their victims in the p ast while victims were also readying themselves to reclaim and secure compensation for property and livestock lost in the countdown to the 27 June elections. In Harare, barely 72 hours after the swearing in of the MDC-T as Prime Minister, Mbare became witness to violent clashes between MDC and ZANU PF members as yester victims [mostly MDC members] who had reportedly been evicted allegedly by ZANU PF members from Nenyere, Shawasha, Matapi and Tagarika flats, moved in to reclaim their property and accommodation. Eleven [11] MDC-T members were arrested when police intervened to stop the mayhem, despite claims by victims that they had initially approached Mbare Police station for authorization.

Across the ten provinces, relations between yester-perpetrators and yester-victims remained tense and volatile generally pointing to the need for restorative justice possibly along the [South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission.]

Also disturbing was that as cabinet ministers from ZANU PF and the two MDC factions were taking their oaths of office before President Robert Mugabe at State House on 13 February 2009, state security agents reportedly arrested and detained Roy Bennet [the MDC T Treasury-General, former Chimanimani legislator and designate deputy minister of Agriculture], accusing him of involvement in acts of terrorism, sabotage and banditry. Bennet, whose arrest came at a time when he was expected to be sworn in as deputy minister of agriculture in the inclusive government, had fled the country into self-imposed exile in South Africa and had only returned two weeks after the MDC T had resolved to join the government of national unity. Also worrying was the continued detention of human rights and MDC political activists.

Equally worrying were reported waves of high profile fresh farm invasions across the country allegedly led by police, army, top government [MPs, senators, DAs] and party officials, developments that reportedly left behind around 40 white owned farms invaded; farmers [especially those who successfully challenged the government's land reforms at the SADC Tribunal] being targeted and attacked; farming activities disrupted, several farm workers displaced, left homeless and jobless; farmers served with eviction notices and around 100 farmers fast tracked to courts [allegedly under the directive of the Attorney General]. Although these invasions were countryside, areas such as Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland West, the Vumba area, Chipinge, Mwenezi, Chiredzi and Masvingo were the most affected. Among the most notable farms invaded were Mazoe Citrus Estates [owned by Stock Exchange listed Interfresh Ltd] and Chegutu farms such as Wakefield Farm, Stockdale Farm, Mt Carmel Farm and Northleigh. What is particularly worrying was the apparent general disregard of the High Court orders in the possession of farmers allowing them to continue farming operations.

The infamous Public Order and Security Act [POSA] is still widely invoked by police to put down what they deem to be anti-government protests. A day before the formation of the inclusive Government, Women of Zimbabwe Arise [WOZA] and Men of Zimbabwe Arise [MOZA] activists expressing their legal rights to freedom of expression were reportedly arrested and detained after participating in a march in the Harare and Bulawayo city centres on Valentine Day carrying placards and fliers exhorting politicians to "let love light the way" and also in the process giving out candles and matches urging Zimbabweans "not just to complain but to light the darkness by continuing to be active in demanding social justice". The activists were detained for several days accused of committing a crime by disturbing public peace under section 37[1[[b] of the Criminal Law [Codification and Reform] Act, although they were subsequently unconditionally released after appearing in courts.

The food situation remained dire and even poised to deteriorate due to low harvests across the country owing , among other things, to late access of maize seeds and related inputs, evictions of some villagers from their farming areas and also lack of draught power. Around 75% of the population in Zimbabwe are reportedly in need of food assistance [USAID, 13 February Report, 2008].

Food politics was so manifest that most food distribution points are generally cauldrons of tension between MDC and ZANU PF supporters, NGOs prone to labels of either being pro ZANU PF or MDC. Cases of interferences with distribution processes, selective food registrations, delisting of people from the food register on political grounds, bribing of government officers, as well as diversion and looting of maize meal, maize seeds and agricultural inputs continue to feature prominently in reports. Involvement of senior army officers, war veterans, councillors, and chairpersons remain on the high side. Since the formation of the inclusive government there have also been reports of revengeful discriminations, yester food discrimination victims reportedly subjecting ZANU PF supporters to what they went through in the past.

Operation Re-possession of land from unproductive farmers is reportedly used in a number of cases as a ruse by some unscrupulous government officers to target and re-possess plots from suspected and well-known MDC supporters. As farmers are reportedly being asked to produce ZANU PF membership cards and also obtain letters from former councillors or ZANU PF chairpersons before land is allocated, there is growing fear that some unproductive farmers may retain their land as long as they meet the above partisan requirements.

Since January 2008, a cumulative toll of 24 977 cases of politically motivated human rights abuses have been recorded with high records of harassments [13 165], assaults [5229], displacements [2576], MDPs [1048], looting [702] and Unlawful detentions [565]

Since January 2009, a total record of 2410 cases of politically motivated human rights abuse have been recorded 1125 in January and 1285 in February showing an upsurge by 160 cases. Although there were no reported cases of murder since 2009, cases of harassments, assaults, looting, displacement and unlawful detentions continue to maintain a stubborn presence.

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