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"A Woman's Place is in the Home?" - Gender Based Violence and Opposition Politics in Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
December 08, 2006

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Introduction

'Women throughout the world face systemic attacks on their human rights and chronic, routinized and legal discrimination and violence, much of it justified through cultural and religious arguments. Even where discrimination is prohibited it often persists in practice. By any reasonable measure, state failure to uphold women's rights as full and equal citizens sends an unmistakably clear message to the broader community that women's lives matter less, and that violence and discrimination against them is acceptable.¹

Gender stereotyping, usually associated with a society which identifies with patriarchal norms, is easily identified as prevalent in Zimbabwe where it often presents itself under the guise of traditional African or conservative Christian values.² On several occasions in post-independent Zimbabwe such values have been expressed by parliamentarians in the course of debating gender-focused legislation. The most recent of many available examples arose in a parliamentary debate over a Bill aimed at curbing domestic violence. The following excerpt from a press article on the debate, quoting MP Timothy Mubhawu³ , is illustrative:

"I stand here representing God Almighty. Women are not equal to men," [Mubhawu] said amid jeers from women parliamentarians. "It is a dangerous Bill and let it be known in Zimbabwe that the right, privilege and status of men is gone. I stand here alone and say this Bill should not be passed in this House. It is a diabolic Bill. Our powers are being usurped in daylight in this House." The proposed law, Mr. Mubhawu said, was crafted in a manner that promoted western cultural values. . . . . Mr. Mubhawu said the issue of proper dressing by women should also be addressed in the Bill as "some of the dressing by women is too inviting." Women in positions of authority, he said, should be role models in their marriages. "Women leaders in Government, judiciary and Parliament should be exemplary by at least marrying," he said⁴.

In Zimbabwe, despite equality clauses in the country's Constitution and the fact that Zimbabwe is a signatory to CEDAW⁵, the perception of women as in some way "belonging" to men or beholden to them remains strong⁶ . The Domestic Violence bill proved controversial precisely because of the perception amongst some men that they should, and indeed ought, to physically "discipline" their wives when the occasion requires⁷. While the Legal Age of Majority Act in 1982 removed the status of women as perpetual minors under the guardianship of either father or husband, the legislation did not, of course, immediately alter this traditional perception⁸. It is still the case that instances of rape in the rural areas are dealt with outside of the courts by village leaders. Frequently, the settlement requires the rapist or his family to pay compensation, not to the woman or girl, but to her father. The compensation which is paid is regarded as ameliorating what would be a reduced bride price "roora" paid to the bride's father on account of the violation. As will be seen below, this "proprietal" ethos in relation to women has a sinister dimension in facets of political violence against women.

Both civil conflict and internal displacement have been key characteristics of Zimbabwe since 1999. The source of internal displacement has been twofold, firstly, through the displacement of farm labour during the invasion of white-owned farmland from early 2000 to 2005 and secondly through the now-notorious "urban clean-up" operation called "Operation Murambatsvina"⁹ which saw the demolition of homes and the displacement of an estimated 700 000 people. It has been noted that women and children, are the most common victims in situations where organized violence and torture become prevalent and are frequently the first victims in civil conflict. They are also the most greatly affected in cases of internal displacement. This report, examining the violent and turbulent years between 2000 and 2006, shows that Zimbabwe has been no exception in this regard.

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1. In War as in Peace: Sexual Violence and Women's Status' Human Rights Watch Report 2004

2. A useful outline of traditional practices appears in a Country Report on gender based violence by the Zimbabwe Attorney-General's Office available at: http://www.unafei.or.jp/english/pdf/PDF_rms/no69/11_P144-158.pdf accessed 21/1/06 accessed 21/11/06.

3. Interestingly, Mubhawu is believed by fellow female MDC legislator Trudy Stevenson to have orchestrated the severe assault to which she was subjected in 2006, though he was acquitted of the charges brought against him in this regard.

4. The Herald (Zimbabwe) Debate on Domestic Violence Bill Persists October 05, 2006

5.Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women.

6. See fig 2 above.

7. UNICEF-Zimbabwe UNICEF denounces violence against women and calls on all Zimbabweans to halt the horror. March 01, 2006.

8. See generally AFROL Gender profiles at:
http://www.afrol.com/Categories/Women/profiles/zimbabwe_women.htm accessed 21/11/06
See generally AFROL Gender profiles at: http://www.afrol.com/Categories/Women/profiles/zimbabwe_women.htm accessed 21/11/06

9. A literal translation of the term would be "drive out filth".

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