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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Index of articles surrounding the debate of the Domestic Violence Bill
Domestic
Violence Bill: 2007 and beyond
Fungai Machirori
January 18, 2007
For
many women's groups and activists, the perfect end to 2006
would have been the enactment of the Domestic
Violence Bill into law. Reports earlier in that year revealed
that as many as 60% of murder cases heard in the country's
courts are attributable to domestic violence, an evermore-pervasive
problem in Zimbabwean society.
The Domestic Violence
Bill was gazetted into the second session of Parliament, which began
in July. When Parliament re-opens for the new year in 2007, the
Bill will be with the Parliamentary Legal Committee for final deliberations.
Following this stage, it would be passed into law by the President.
"I feel the Bill's progress has been rather slow,"
noted Mrs. Varaidzo Munyika, a counselling programme officer with
Musasa Project, an organisation that offers counselling for survivors
of domestic violence. "For all the noise that has been made,
there still seems to be dragging of it."
A public hearing was
held for the Bill in September where organisations and individuals
were given the opportunity to voice their sentiments about the Bill
as well as offer input in order to improve its provisions. Significant
column space has been dedicated to discussions about domestic violence
in the Zimbabwean press and thus far, the Bill has been the only
one to be published in the print media, clause by clause, in this
session of parliament.
"The Bill
has created a platform where domestic violence is brought to the
fore," noted Mrs. Sithokozile Thabethe, a programme officer
with the Zimbabwe
Women Lawyers' Association (ZWLA). "If we didn't
have it, we wouldn't take the time to reflect on problems
caused by gender-based violence (GBV), and the strategies to combat
it."
Domestic Violence is
universally believed to be the most pervasive form of GBV. Women
and children suffer more acts of this form of violence due to the
lower status that patriarchal societies tend to afford them. Included
in the Bill's definition of the scope of domestic violence
are physical, sexual, emotional, verbal, psychological and economic
abuse. As the Bill currently reads however, only physical abuse
constitutes a criminal offence while the latter forms of abuse are
subject to counselling as a remedy. Recently, the Bill was amended
to include as domestic violence, any abuse perpetrated on a complainant's
disability.
In the process
of publicising the Bill, many Zimbabwean women have shared their
painful experiences of domestic violence. Some have carried with
them blood-soiled clothes as reminders of their ordeals. But Tendai*,
a woman in her late thirties, does not have such gruesome reminders
of her own experiences. In fact, her contended smile and smart grey
suit mask the many physical and emotional wounds she harbours. She
visits the Musasa
project every Thursday morning as part of a domestic violence
survivors' support group. She calmly tells of the many times
over the last decade that her husband has beaten her and threatened
to shoot her if she left the house. "I am married, but it's
just a title," she confides calmly.
She only breaks down
when she talks of the four-year-old son she lost earlier last year.
"He became a cripple at nine months and died of AIDS in January."
After a long pause, she tells how her husband did not support the
child - she had to sell her old clothes to finance his clinic
check-ups. Tendai too is HIV positive and believes that her husband's
promiscuous behaviour is the cause. She has a peace and maintenance
order against her husband, which means that he has stopped physically
abusing her. She continues to live with him because she fears becoming
a financial burden to her own family. She has no steady income,
and job skills, and is wholly reliant on her husband for financial
support, except for the money she makes from the HIV and AIDS testimonials
she occasionally gives.
Mrs. Munyika believes
that such cases of economic dependency explain why many women, particularly
of the older generation, are less likely to leave abusive households.
"I know that many intellectually and financially independent
women of the new generation would not stand for such abuse",
she said. But she added that for many other women, a lack of financial
autonomy and cultural dynamics in which, the extended family is
greatly valued for the solving of familial disputes, are factors
that prevent them leaving abusive relationships. "Women never
want to use the law. They will exhaust all other social avenues
to resolve their differences. We are not going against this culture,
but we are saying for these women, as a last resort, they should
be able to use the law."
Tendai is optimistic
about the Domestic Violence Bill. "I think it will help women
understand economic abuse much better," she says. "Far
too many of us are not aware of it." However, she voices concern
at the levels of harassment that she says women suffer at the hands
of police officers, when reporting cases of gender-based violence.
"Women officers tend to be very patronising and unhelpful,"
she observes. "After all, the people who remove us from our
homes are other women." She would like for sensitisation campaigns
within the police forces in preparation for dealing with domestic
violence cases. And while she agreed that the Bill had been much
publicised, she called for even more campaigns to get the Bill out
to remote areas of the country.
Mrs. Thabethe echoed
the same sentiments. "Arguments still show uninformed views,"
she noted. We need to engage in more information dissemination,
distribute more legal literature and conduct more consultations
with the public. She also noted that complex legalese language needs
to be simplified and that the Bill had to be translated into all
local vernacular languages. "This Bill needs to be taken to
the people, especially in the rural areas. They need to know its
exact provisions and be allowed to ask as many questions as possible",
added Mrs. Munyika.
While the Bill seeks
to protect both men and women, it seems to be creating yet more
antagonism between the sexes. This was epitomised by the statement
made late last year by Timothy Mubhawu, a local parliamentarian,
that the Bill was diabolic, and that the powers of men were being
"usurped in broad daylight". After making these utterances,
many women's groups held demonstrations against Mubhawu. "Men
are quite against this Bill as evidenced by Mubhawu," noted
Mrs. Munyika. "This implies that there are a lot of abusers
who feel threatened."
But
Padare/ Enkundleni, a men's organisation advocating for
social movement towards a gender-just society aims to challenge
these views. "We acknowledge that GBV is an existing problem
and that men and boys are being socialised into patriarchal beliefs,"
noted Tapuwa Manyati, the organisation's Information Officer.
As to the general negative
male sentiments around the Domestic Violence Bill, he said he believed
that these most likely stemmed from a male fear that their sphere
is being taken over by women. "But it's just ignorance,"
Manyati said. " There is no culture or religion in the world
that tolerates violence against women. There is no excuse for it."
He also noted that some
men are responding positively to the Bill and that through Padare,
many have sought clarification on some of the clauses that they
found difficult to understand. One such was the controversial clause
stating the unreasonable denial of conjugal rights as a form of
emotional and psychological abuse. The clause has since been deleted
as it was agreed that it would be a difficult aspect to enforce
and monitor.
Manyati also said that
it is time to acknowledge the use of culture and religion as means
of abusing women. "As Padare, we see it as a challenge to
educate our peers and challenge male stereotypes perpetuated in
all spheres of society." And they are doing this through many
programmes including their annual schools' galas where young
boys come together to discuss issues around gender, youth and sexuality
as part of a resocialising process. They have also worked on recordings
with adult males in which discussions focus on building the capacity
of men to end domestic violence and GBV.
On announcing the tabling
of the Bill in parliament, the president, Robert Mugabe, defined
traditional practices such as wife inheritance and child pledging
as retrogressive. "Apart from delaying national efforts towards
gender equality, such abhorrent practices also run counter to efforts
to prevent the spread of the HIV and AIDS pandemic," he said.
These practices, as well as forced virginity testing and genital
mutilation, have since been outlawed in the Bill.
Domestic violence has
serious implications for the spread of HIV and AIDS. Inability to
negotiate safer sex, for fear of violent retaliation, is a major
concern. Current figures estimate that nearly 60% of Zimbabweans
living with HIV are women. "This is not even about negotiating
for safer sex, " pointed out Mrs. Munyika however. "It's
about negotiating for sex!" She believes that the Bill, when
enacted into law would serve as a starting point from which to then
discuss issues to do with HIV and AIDS. "You don't talk
about the violence and you don't talk about sex. Therefore
you don't talk about HIV. But there is no thin line between
violence and HIV. You just can't separate them."
The hopes for 2007 remain
the same as those of the past year - a legislative framework
to finally deal with the issue of domestic violence and its many
implications. "Women are sleeping in toilets for fear of their
husbands," noted Tendai. "Children are being traumatised
by seeing acts of violence. This is why we need this Bill so much."
* not her
real name
*Fungai
Machirori is a trainee media professional with the Southern
Africa HIV and AIDS Information Dissemination Service (SAfAIDS).
She can be
contacted at fungai@safaids.org.zw
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