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Opportunity and risk in the proposed polling station-based voters'
roll
Zimbabwe
Election Support Network
September 13, 2011
One of the
major features of the proposed electoral reforms is the possible
introduction of a localised voting system which will be conducted
using polling station-based voters' rolls. This means a voter
will only vote at the polling-station at which his or her name appears
on the voters' roll. This is significantly different from
the present system whereby voters can vote at any polling station
within the ward.
These changes
will, however, only come into effect if the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
is satisfied that all polling-station voters' rolls have been
adequately prepared. Given the imminence of the Constitutional Referendum,
it is highly unlikely that this system will be used in that plebiscite.
Supporters of
the polling station-based voters' roll argue that it will
prevent instances that have occurred in past elections when voters
from others areas have been moved to other areas in a bid to bolster
the fortunes of a particular party's candidate in that area.
If a voter can only vote at a polling station where their name is
registered on the voters' roll, it will mean those who are
brought into the area to artificially inflate support for a particular
party or candidate will be prevented from voting at that polling
station.
Supporters of
this system also argue that it will prevent double-voting whereby
a voter can move from one polling-station to another within the
same ward in order to vote more than once in the same election.
For these reasons,
a polling station-based voters' roll seems to be a plausible
move that would add credibility and transparency to the voting system.
This is a theoretical proposition, however, which must be measured
in the context of the realities of politics and voting in Zimbabwe.
It is therefore important to consider the risks inherent in this
system.
The first risk
is that such a system might make it more easy to use the tactic
of pre-election displacement of voters from the areas where their
specific polling station is located. If a person can only vote at
a specified polling station, the easy way to ensure they do not
vote is to displace them or otherwise prevent them from reaching
that polling station. If displaced in advance of an election, it
may be proposed that such voters should be able to use the facility
of postal voting. The problem however is that the facility of postal
voting is restricted to persons who are outside the country on government
business. ZESN recommends relaxation of postal voting rules, so
that the facility is more widely available to persons who cannot
for any reason be at the polling station on voting day. This will
be come more important if the polling-station based voters'
roll is used.
The second risk
is that a polling station-based voters' roll system increases
opportunities for post-election retribution. In the past, voters
have been targeted for punishment for voting for the wrong party
or candidate by losing contestants. One approach was to target constituencies
where a contestant would have lost - that gave rise to suspicions
that the population in the constituency had voted 'wrongly'
in that they would have voted for the opponent. Acts of violence
have been recorded in post-election periods. Now, the risk is that
with a more localised and specific polling-station based voters'
roll, it will be even easier to identify voting patterns at small
local levels. It will be easy to see which villages or suburbs voted
for what candidate and therefore make the voters easy targets for
post-election retribution, i.e. punishment of having voted wrongly.
These negatives
must be weighed against the positives of the polling station based
voters' roll. What makes sense in theory might not be the
right thing in practice. The first question to be asked is: do the
identified risks exist in the present system? They do, which is
why there has been pre-election and postelection violence in the
past. The second question may be: do the risks increase under the
polling station-based voters' roll? It seems that they do
escalate given the localised character of the polling station-based
voters' roll. But there is a third question, which is, would
the opportunities 'bussing in' voters and double-voting
be reduced under the polling-station based voters' roll? The
answer seems to be that those opportunities would be reduced.
If therefore
the system of preventing election violence and intimidation discussed
last week is effective, it would seem that the benefits of polling
station-based voters' roll outweigh the negatives. However,
this is an assessment that needs to be made seriously and voters
must give their informed opinions based on experience.
A further noteworthy
point on the voters' roll is that relatives of deceased or
absent voters now have a clear avenue to remove their names from
the voters roll, which would help to increase the currency of the
voters' roll at any given time. We recommend however that
people be given incentives to ensure they take initiatives to have
their deceased relatives removed from the voters' roll. It
is understood that Mozambique embarked on a campaign to update the
register by giving incentives in the form of state-assisted burials
where relatives would have informed the electoral authorities.
The authority
responsible for the registration of deaths should also be compelled
by law to pass on information on deaths to the ZEC for purposes
of removing names from the voters' roll. As a long term measure
this is likely to be more sustainable and effective as long as information
is passed on efficiently. There is the advantage that people are
already compelled by law to register deaths of their relatives before
burial so there will be no added obligation on the part of the voters.
The biggest
shortcoming of the proposals is that the ZEC still does not have
sole and exclusive ownership and control of the voters' roll.
This is still shared with the Registrar General's Office.
The Registrar General's Office does not have a good record
in keeping a clean, accurate and up-to-date voters' roll.
This risks tainting the record of the ZEC. There is no reasonable
justification as to why the Registrar General's Office should
be involved in compiling the voters' roll. The ZEC was created
specifically to take up the role of chief elections body and is
constitutionally mandated to manage the conduct of elections. The
creation of a voters' roll is an essential part of the electoral
processes. As the body responsible for elections it should be given
due recognition by taking up the sole and exclusive ownership of
the voters roll including its compilation.
Finally, there
is a proposal that there may be a completely new voter registration
exercise. This would greatly enhance the credibility of the voters'
roll because the current version is highly discredited. However,
voter registration is probably the most resource-intensive electoral
exercise. If this exercise is to be done, then it worth initiating
it without further delay otherwise it may not meet the terms of
the Elections Road-Map agreed by the parties to the current Inclusive
Government. It would need huge input of financial and material resources.
One possible way of getting around the problem of time is if people
are encouraged to register under the current continuous registration
facility, which remains uninterrupted. This would make it easier
to transfer voters from the old to the new voters' roll without
the need for re-registration. It is important to note also that
the ZEC now has a wider option to accept as proof of identity and
residence for registration of voters what it would consider 'acceptable'.
If interpreted flexibly and liberally, this would prevent problems
faced by usually unemployed youths, married women who have changed
their surnames and other persons who would otherwise be unable to
prove identity and residence using traditional means.
Visit the ZESN
fact
sheet
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