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The Diaspora population and elections in Zimbabwe: Implications for democracy
Election Resource Centre
May 24, 2011

As talk of a possible election in 2011 begins to make serious discussion currency in Zimbabwe's ever undulating political terrain, it is once again to the electoral environment that all observers will turn. As usual, the error will be made to focus on the election as an event, thus missing out the bigger picture of viewing it as rather a process comprised of various factors. However, this error of judgement is understandable ostensibly because many in our midst think that what matters is how conditions are on election day(s) in particular and/or the few days or weeks preceding it. Yet years preceding an election, the election period itself and indeed the period after are all aspects of what will eventually be determined by whoever as a so-called 'free and fair' election or otherwise. This is the fallacy of election observers and monitors that continues to be missed. This advice is particularly urgent in a country like Zimbabwe where elections have always been an area of fiercely contested terrain in many ways than the orthodox electoral competition. But there are many more matters arising as regards elections in Zimbabwe. This is in part drawn from the lessons of our past electoral history as well as the other external dynamics that we have gone through as a maturing post-colonial state.

A silent, but important development to Zimbabwe's voting population has been the movement out of Zimbabwe particularly at the turn of the Millennium by a steadily rising amount of the electorate. Whereas there hasn't been an official or proper census of exactly how many Zimbabweans are outside of our borders but still holding Zimbabwean citizenship, it is inconceivable anyone would doubt that whatever the figure, it now constitutes a critical component of Zimbabwe's electoral matrix. Unverifiable, conservative estimates put the number of Zimbabweans outside of the country at nothing less than 3 million. The majority are of course illegal and legal immigrants in neighbouring South Africa, Botswana and Namibia. The UK, Canada, Australia, US also weigh in with high figures.

This may be restating the obvious, but, the main point is that the past 10 years have seen a steady growth and establishment of Zimbabwean Diaspora population in the countries mentioned above but also in Zambia, Mozambique, Swaziland regionally and many others around the globe. The reasons for this state of affairs are well known.

Given the fact that Zimbabwe's total population has always been estimated at somewhere in the region of 13 million, then when slightly below a quarter of its nationals are outside the country, it may now be in the national interest to let them play their part of the national political process. It has not yet been determined how much Zimbabwe is potentially losing by technically 'disenfranchising' millions of potential voters. It can be assumed with great plausibility that Zimbabwe is losing out by leaving a very crucial component of its people outside of the political process. Democracy entails giving everybody the opportunity to participate in such elections as the outcome of any elections impacts on them, invariably.

Whilst there is nothing ordinarily special about living outside the country, there is growing concern that defining national population in terms of only those within the country and only extending franchise to a few in the diplomatic community is an affront to broad-based electoral democracy. Leaving out a significant section of a country's electorate only for the sake of it sounds extremely discriminatory and exclusionary. The Diaspora population deserves a chance to contribute to Zimbabwe's democracy or democratisation drive not only because they are Zimbabwean nationals, but because they already constitute a 'critical mass' with a lot to contribute to their country other than remitting money.

During the decade long economic crisis, the Diaspora population kept the (then) ailing economy's heart beating through significant injections of liquidity via remittances to families back home. The overall Zimbabwean population as yet to be fully convinced that it is in the national interest to confine voting only to Zimbabweans resident in the country. Nationals of Zimbabwe living outside, and those especially still clinging proudly to their citizenship, wish to contribute politically in as much as they are contributing socially and economically. If immigration has become part and parcel of contemporary Zimbabwe population dynamics, then the political attention must also adapt accordingly to ensure access to politically and economically active Zimbabweans to continue to be stakeholders in their country.

Finally, Zimbabwe's democratisation scorecard and legitimacy of electoral politics is rendered poor by shutting the door on Zimbabweans outside the country. Whereas there would always be excuses especially on issues bordering on feasibility and logistical bottlenecks associated with democratising elections in Zimbabwe this way, the most worrying aspect of it all is that nobody seems to be seriously talking about it in civil society but especially in the corridors of power. This suggests that the idea is yet to dawn on policymakers' imagination, assuming they possess any. Increased volumes of international migration and general movement of people across borders is a 21 Century reality that should not trivialise the primacy of at least according loyal nationals a chance to exercise their democratic right to choosing national leaders. Whereas this may be an extremely difficult thing to do with constituency based elections like for Council, House of Assembly or Senatorial elections, the ERC does not see how in the Presidential election this cannot be done as long as there is adequate political will.

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