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Interview with Xolani Zitha, Director of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
CIVICUS
April 30, 2008

http://www.civicus.org/csw/FRONTPAGE_ZIMBABWE_No35.htm

Almost a month after elections were held in Zimbabwe, the country remains in a state of flux and uncertainty. Amidst ongoing political violence, the ruling party ZANU PF is demanding a runoff election with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Anxious of more violence and vote-rigging, the MDC has so far refused to commit to a runoff. In this increasingly tense environment, civil society activists who worked to educate voters, as well as observed the elections are now finding themselves harassed, intimidated and even behind bars. Xolani Zitha, the director of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition based in Harare, Zimbabwe tells Civil Society Watch about his hopes for a solution.

What role has Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition played during the election process?

There are a couple of things the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (Crisis) has done. Internally in Zimbabwe, we have worked to coordinate civil society to try and encourage a higher voter turnout. We ran the "Get Out and Vote" campaign that tried to send positive messages to the citizenry that has really been battered over the last eight years. The campaign was not just about putting up posters, but also visiting communities. We also urged the diaspora to come back and vote or to encourage folks still back in Zimbabwe to vote.

I think that this campaign, along with the work of other organizations, has really been a success. This is the first time in 28 years that there could be a change of government. The ruling party was defeated in the parliament, the senate and even in the presidential vote. This was possible because of the work of the MDC, as well as that of civil society organizations.

Have other organizations also played a role in the election process?

A couple of other civil society organisations have done different things as well. The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) sent out observers to monitor the elections and participate in the simultaneous vote collection. This is something we hadn't yet experimented with in Zimbabwe. Yet it proved very valuable. It helped the opposition to see how they performed. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) also made it a requirement to publicize the ballot results outside each of the polling stations, so that made it easier for election observers to collect the results and calculate the totals on their own. The success of this is also why the government has placed pressure on Crisis and ZESN.

How has the government responded to civil society organizations?

The government agents have raided offices, harassed activists, and accused them of treasonous acts. The government says that monitoring the polls is solely the role of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). They also say that civic voter education is also only to be done by ZEC. But they don't have the capacity to do it.

Because of work around the elections, there has been backlash in two particular ways. Firstly, there has been violence against citizens in the rural areas, and secondly, there has been a backlash against civil society activists who were involved in the election observation and have since been arrested and harassed.

Prominent human rights lawyer Harrison Nkomo was arrested on 7 May. Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union (ZCTU) president Lovemore Matombo and secretary-general Wellington Chibebe were also recently arrested and charged with making statements encouraging public disorder, in connection with speeches they made on May Day.

What is the feeling right now in Zimbabwe among civil society, as well as the public more generally?

It's a mixture of hope, frustration and anger. It's frustrating if we look at how the ZEC has contradicted itself and how it has continually found excuses for delays. It seems that it is prepared to make any excuse to allow ZANU PF to cling to power. But the elections have delivered a clear statement - the time has come for a change.

The violence that we have seen has really been the worst carnage since the Gukurahundi¹ days. In the rural areas, people are checking into hospitals seriously hurt, some even without limbs.

There is anxiety about what is going to happen with the country. The government is using the military to block the will expressed by the people. ZANU PF is using the military to oppress citizens in the same areas that were once their own strong holds.

What do you think the future of Zimbabwe looks like? Will a runoff happen?

Given the violence that has been unleashed by ZANU PF, we can understand that MDC does not want to be involved in a runoff. MDC is saying there is no way we can proceed with a free and fair election when their people on the ground are being attacked, and killed even. If there is a runoff - what will happen? ZANU PF will be happy to call an election, but if MDC doesn't participate, they can just say ZANU PF won unopposed.

The solution would be an election-taking place under specific circumstances, with a discussion on transition issues. Also civil society has called for specific conditions to be put in place before the election is to take place.

But if negotiations with SADC succeed, we could also have a negotiated solution. We have seen a lot of diplomatic activity coming out of Africa - out of the African Union (AU) and SADC. President Thabo Mbeki (of South Africa) is in Zimbabwe today. We're not sure what is being discussed, but I think there is probably pressure on the ZEC to announce the date of the election, as well as to investigate the violence.

You mentioned that civil society would like any election to meet certain conditions. Could you describe those conditions?

We would ask for international observers to be present, not just the AU and SADC. The time has come for the United Nations (UN) to become involved. The presence of the UN is essential, as we have evidence of systematic violent attacks taking place.

We should also have assurances that the legal framework is transparent and conducive. International media needs to have greater access. Civil society also needs to have the freedom to work. There needs to be an opening of space for civil society to carry out civic education campaigns. At the moment, some of the violence is being meted out against activists who carried out civic education or conducted observer missions. We need assurances that we are able to carry out our work without fear.

What can regional and international civil society do to assist?

The work that regional civil society can do is crucial. We need to see African organizations engaging governments and playing a role in the AU. We need them to ensure their leaders assist Zimbabwe in getting on a path to democracy. We need them to pressure Mugabe to begin to prepare to leave. How does that happen? That happens in an election that is free and fair. Or should the solution be found in negotiations, we would demand a process that would take into consideration the interests of citizens. There's a crisis in Zimbabwe that is affecting the economy and every facet of society, but it is crisis of governance. The solution also needs to take account how we will form a new constitution. Most importantly, any solution needs to rejuvenate the faith and confidence of citizens in Zimbabwe's public institutions.

1. The Gukurahundi (Shona: "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains") refers to atrocities committed by the Fifth Brigade army, led by President Robert Mugabe, in the Ndebele provinces of Matabeleland and the Midlands from 1982 to the late 1980s.

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