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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Preparing
for the worst in Zimbabwe
The Washington Post
April 09, 2008
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/04/09/AR2008040903510_pf.html
The crimson begins at
the collar. Its dried, crusty path shows where blood flowed from
the head of opposition candidate Felix Muzambi onto his shoulders,
down his front and past every one of his buttons. The white Van
Heusen dress shirt now carries the indelible stain of politics,
Zimbabwe-style.
The beating at the hands
of ruling party youths happened in February, said Muzambi, 64, a
taxidermist and grandfather. That was about six weeks before the
historic March 29 election that was notable for its relative peacefulness
-- compared to votes in previous years -- and for the first-round
defeat of President Robert Mugabe and his party. Heading into a
second and decisive round of voting for the presidency, signs abound
that the kind of violence visited on Muzambi is spreading across
the country as Mugabe resorts to the tools he has used to stay in
power for 28 years. This town alone has a notorious history of whippings,
abductions and torture. Secret police took pliers to Muzambi's genitals
last year, he said, turning away and wincing.
He said the worst is
still ahead.
"We're in trouble,"
said Muzambi, who won a seat on Marondera's council, a humiliating
loss for Mugabe's party, which has controlled this town since Zimbabwe's
birth in 1980. "Everybody is scared because they know he kills."
Reports of vicious attacks
and intimidation have proliferated in Marondera since the vote 11
days ago. An opposition activist was pummeled by ruling party youths
and threatened with a knife Tuesday night, several of his friends
said. Two other opposition supporters, in a rural area outside town,
were whipped so badly they ended up in the hospital, a party official
said.
Voting results
written on blue pieces of paper outside several polling stations
have mysteriously been erased. Some of the few still visible were
posted behind the windows of a locked building, the R. G. Mugabe
Primary School, revealing the depth of his humiliation here: Tsvangirai
248, Mugabe 79.
At two other polling
stations where results had been rubbed away, the faint imprints
suggested similar margins of defeat for the president and his party.
Regional diplomatic efforts
to resolve the political stalemate accelerated Wednesday with a
call by Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa for an emergency meeting
of southern African heads of state Saturday. The group, which has
publicly defended Mugabe in the past, is widely seen as having more
influence over him than Western critics such as Britain and the
United States.
Meanwhile, the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, which has rarely been involved
in violence, continued pressing its court case to force the electoral
commission to release results from the presidential vote. Independent
monitors and officials from both parties say Mugabe lost, though
they disagree over whether the margin required a runoff. A runoff
is triggered if no candidate receives more than 50 percent of the
vote.
Independent candidate
Simba Makoni, who by most accounts finished a distant third behind
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and Mugabe, also demanded the
results Wednesday. "Our votes are not the property of anyone,"
Makoni said at a news conference in Harare, the capital. "It
is our right, as citizens, to get the final results without further
delay."
Yet as the fight over
results sharpens, the election has already moved into a decidedly
anxious new phase out in Zimbabwe's hinterlands, especially in towns
such as Marondera, where former Mugabe strongholds produced opposition
landslides. The posting of results outside polling stations, a widely
praised innovation of this election, has taken on a sinister cast
in recent days; they amount to a road map for anyone inclined to
punish neighborhoods that strayed from the party's control.
Ruling party officials
denied they were using violence to win the runoff.
"I've not heard
anything of that sort, but I'm sure that if there is anything like
that, the police have the capacity to handle it," said Didymus
Mutasa, national security minister.
Yet Zimbabweans see the
police as Mugabe's enforcers, not impartial arbiters of peace and
justice.
Last October, Carlos
Mudzongo, 35, wore an opposition T-shirt into a rural area and was
assaulted by five ruling party youths, he said. When he sought help
from the police, three officers beat him with broomsticks and electrical
cords, he said. Such stories are common here.
Ruling party youths,
dressed in white T-shirts bearing the logo and acronym of Mugabe's
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, or ZANU-PF, have
begun assembling outside the houses of opposition activists and
singing a warning in Shona that translates as, "The war has
come."
On Wednesday morning,
they stopped outside the house of Leonard Mandaza, 59, an opposition
candidate who also won a seat on Marondera's town council. He said
that most of the youths appeared to be from out of town, but one
was from Marondera and showed the others where to focus their energies.
Mandaza said he expected more visits soon.
"They will act at
night," he said.
"I will fight like
a dog, teeth and legs," he added grimly. "If they want
war, then we can retaliate."
The hard words signal
a dramatic shift in mood since the first days after the election,
when even some of Mugabe's closest associates were urging him to
step down. Since then, it has become clear that he has decided to
fight, with the support of the military, police, party youths and
veterans of the nation's liberation war who have renewed their assault
on white-owned commercial farms after several years of relative
quiet.
In Marondera, nearly
every party activist has a story of beatings or torture. They have
been roused by police in the middle of the night. Their children
have been taunted and in some cases abducted. Several say they fear
to venture outside after dark.
Opposition activist Diamond
Tenfara, 50, a retired accountant, said he has been abducted by
the secret police so many times that he can no longer count the
episodes. But he recalled the most memorable form of torture used
on him: He was stripped naked, then forced to sit on a chair wired
with electrodes.
"It was hot everywhere,"
Tenfara said.
Muzambi, who keeps his
bloodied shirt folded in a bedroom closet in hopes of some day testifying
against his attackers in court, said the assault was not the most
frightening day of this election season. That came two weeks later,
when the secret police pulled up outside his house in three pickup
trucks. By the time he found his way outside, they had handcuffed
and bundled off his brother, 37, and his son, 32.
The two emerged from
custody two days later, their bodies battered, Muzambi said. His
son had a broken left arm; his brother a broken right thigh bone.
With more attacks being
chronicled every day, and with a purge underway against some officials
on the electoral commission, Muzambi said he figures the runoff
has already been lost. Or rather, stolen by a ruling party determined
to win.
"If they burn down
two houses," he said, people "won't vote MDC again. They
will run."
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