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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Simba Makoni joins the presidential race in Zimbabwe - Index of Articles
Makoni
emerges as potential kingmaker
Joseph
Sithole, Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR)
March 25, 2008
http://iwpr.net/?p=acr&s=f&o=343610&apc_state=henh
Calling the
ex-finance minister a "prostitute" and a "frog"
is unlikely to encourage him to back another candidate if the vote
goes to a second round.
Presidential
hopeful Simba Makoni has provoked the anger of both front-runners
in Zimbabwe's upcoming election - opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai
as well as incumbent Robert Mugabe.
However, political
analysts are warning that while Makoni's rivals may have their swords
out for him at the moment, he might turn out to be the kingmaker
if the presidential ballot on March 29 is inconclusive and a run-off
has to be held.
Both Mugabe
and Tsvangirai, who leads the bigger of two factions of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, see Makoni, who only announced
his intention to enter the presidential race on February 5, as a
rank outsider who plans to grab their votes. There are fears on
both sides of the political divide that Makoni could appeal to voters
in both urban and rural areas, something neither of their candidates
is confident of doing.
Tsvangirai's
MDC enjoys its strongest following in poor urban areas, while Mugabe's
ruling ZANU-PF party holds sway mainly in rural areas where a sizeable
population, including war veterans, police and army personnel, were
given free land under Mugabe's chaotic land reform programme launched
in 2000.
Mugabe accuses
Makoni of being a "traitor", "sellout", a "prostitute"
and a puffed-up "frog" for leaving the ruling party at
a critical moment ahead of joint presidential, parliamentary and
local elections.
Tsvangirai has
laid two apparently contradictory charges against Makoni, accusing
him variously of being a Mugabe plant designed to confuse and split
the opposition electorate, or of being supported by western powers
opposed to his MDC party.
The irony of
the latter allegation is that Tsvangirai himself has always been
accused by Mugabe of being a puppet of Britain and other western
powers in pursuit of regime change in Zimbabwe.
Makoni has rejected
the allegations made by both camps, without responding in kind.
As the third
force in this election, Makoni combines a long history as a government
technocrat and ZANU-PF member with a degree of credibility derived
from his reputation for being both competent and uncorrupt. However,
despite his appeal to many in the political classes who want change,
Makoni has not yet built up a substantial power-base of his own.
A political
observer who did not want to be named noted that Makoni appealed
to moderates from both ZANU-PF and the MDC, and had refrained from
attacking either side.
"They believed
they had their strategies worked out, then Makoni walks in unannounced
and upsets the apple cart, as it were," he said.
The observer
said Makoni's main problem was that by launching his bid only in
February, "he came in too late", and fewer major politicians
than expected had voiced public support for him.
"It is
unlikely now that his backers will come out this late," said
the commentator. "In any case, even if they did, many people
have already made up their minds and you would need a miracle to
sway them now."
This commentator
predicted that Tsvangirai would win, with Mugabe second and Makoni
trailing in third place.
"For all
practical purposes, the presidential race is between Tsvangirai
and Mugabe, and short of serious electoral irregularities, Tsvangirai
is likely to come out victorious," he said.
However, another
analyst forecast that Makoni could play a crucial role even in third
place.
"My assessment
is that Makoni will come out third in the elections," said
Eldred Masunungure, a lecturer in political sciences at the University
of Zimbabwe. "The real race is between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
They both have appeal, parties and a solid infrastructure for their
campaigns, all of which Makoni does not enjoy."
Yet, Masunungure
said, Makoni could still draw off support from the disillusioned
supporters of both ZANU-PF and the MDC.
"This should
help explain the anger of both Tsvangirai and Mugabe at Makoni's
sudden entry into the race, which has obviously badly upset their
campaign strategies," he said.
The analyst
warned that expressions of hostility could prove short-sighted for
both main candidates.
"What they
should not forget is that they might need Makoni when it matters
most, in the event that none of them gets more than 50 per cent
of the vote as required by law," he said, adding that he thought
it unlikely any candidate would win the absolute majority needed
to obviate a run-off between the two leading contenders.
"That is
where Makoni's vote becomes decisive. He becomes the kingmaker because
both candidates will then depend for their fortunes on whom Makoni
chooses to throw in his lot with," he said.
In making that
choice, Makoni might be swayed by the level of abuse he received
from either side, said Masunungure.
"This is
where these gratuitous insults become counterproductive, as they
might influence Makoni's decision," he explained. "Politically
they [insults] may not matter, but they affect the way you relate.
You don't want to work with someone who calls you a prostitute or
a frog, who denigrates you as a foreign imposition, implying that
you can't think for yourself."
*Joseph
Sithole is the pseudonym of a reporter in Zimbabwe.
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