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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Mugabe's
weakening grip
Stephanie
Hanson, Council on Foreign Relations
March 25, 2008
http://www.cfr.org/publication/15799/
Perhaps the only thing
more unbelievable than the astronomical inflation rate in Zimbabwe—officially
over 100,000 percent—is that President Robert Mugabe is still
in power. As Zimbabwe's economy has spiraled ever deeper,
the president has curried the loyalty of supporters by handing out
prominent political positions and printing money. Yet ahead of elections
on March 29 (ElectionGuide.org), that support no longer looks guaranteed.
Excitement surrounds the candidacy of Simba Makoni, a former finance
minister (Newsweek Int'l) who was expelled from the ruling
party, ZANU-PF, when he declared his candidacy in February. It's
highly unlikely Makoni will win the election—which, in any
case, virtually no one expects to be free and fair—but his
defection signals a divide in ZANU-PF that Zimbabwe experts believe
could extend to other groups thought to be loyal to Mugabe.
Faced with waning support,
Mugabe appears to be on the defensive. Zimbabwe's government
debt increased 65-fold in a six-week period preelection, with the
government raising salaries for security forces as well as purchasing
farm equipment (FT). According to the Institute for War and Peace
Reporting, Mugabe suspects high-level military and intelligence
officials of allegiance with Makoni. Security groups now control
many political institutions in Zimbabwe, as this new Backgrounder
explains, so a shift in their allegiances could spell trouble for
the president.
As Mugabe confronts dissent
within his own party, he also is challenged by Morgan Tsvangirai,
a past presidential candidate and leader of the opposition MDC party.
Tsvangirai has been mobilizing support for nearly a decade and has
an efficient grassroots campaign machine. Polling by the Mass Public
Opinion Institute, a Zimbabwean group, shows Tsvangirai with 28
percent support (Times of London) and Makoni with 9 percent, though
42 percent of those polled refused to disclose their candidate preference.
An op-ed in the Zimbabwe Independent compares rallies held by Makoni
and Tsvangirai in the same location, noting that low turnout at
Makoni's event exposes his "lack of mass appeal and
his campaign shortcomings."
Of course, neither candidate's
support will matter if the elections are rigged or the population
is too afraid to vote for the opposition. The government controls
much of the media. ZANU-PF, which led the war to overthrow white
rule in what was once Rhodesia, today controls the distribution
of subsidized food based on party loyalty, and the population lives
in fear of the government's security apparatus. In a new report,
Human Rights Watch documents widespread intimidation of opposition
candidates.
Given the lack of a transparent
electoral process and uncertain political climate, analysts are
concerned about the immediate aftermath of the polls. If the outcome
is disputed, or if Mugabe fails to win outright in the first round,
some believe he will resort to violence. "The violence has
so far been contained, more or less, but if the election goes to
two rounds it'll go right up," a former ZANU-PF minister who
has joined Makoni tells the Economist. Sydney Masamvu of the International
Crisis Group tells CFR.org that if the election goes to a second
round, ZANU-PF and the security groups will likely support Makoni.
Experts say
international actors, barred from sending electoral observers, should
start preparing for the election's aftermath and the potential
transition to a post-Mugabe government. In a new report, the International
Crisis Group suggests that the African Union should be ready
to mediate between presidential candidates in the event of a disputed
poll. A recent Council
Special Report recommends the United States spearhead the creation
of an international trust fund to assist a transition government
with reform and reconstruction.
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