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It's
the count that counts: food for thought
Reviewing
the Pre-election Period in Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
March 30, 2005
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Introduction
There
is a clear difference between the electoral climate preceding the
current 2005 parliamentary elections on the one hand and the previous
parliamentary elections of 2000 and presidential elections of 2002
on the other. The latter elections were characterised by an intense
interest and excitement amongst Zimbabwean voters. The present atmosphere
around the current elections appears muted in comparison. Furthermore,
another unfortunate and salient feature of the previous elections
was systemic and endemic violence perpetrated, in the main, by ZANU
(PF) supporters.1 There is a general
consensus between contesting parties that there has been a dramatic
and remarkable reduction in physical violence in the build up to
the present elections. This is not to say that violence has abated
completely. However, the contrast with the previous two national
elections is so marked that there is a temptation to maintain that
the current elections are "free and fair" by comparison.
Nonetheless, as will be seen below, notwithstanding the reduction
in violence, the current electoral conditions fall well short of
the regional standards for elections introduced by the "SADC
Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections" adopted
in Mauritius in 2004.
The SADC Guidelines
establish a general framework of minimum standards against which
the impartiality, legitimacy and openness of an election can be
measured. Section 2, entitled Principles for Conducting Democratic
Elections, states:
2.1 SADC
member states shall adhere to the following principles in the
conduct of democratic elections:
2.1.1 Full
participation of the citizens in the political process.
2.1.2 Freedom of association.
2.1.3 Political Tolerance.
2.1.4 Regular Intervals for elections as provided for by the
respective National Constitutions.
2.1.5 Equal opportunity for all political parties to access
the state media.
2.1.6 Equal opportunity to exercise the right to vote and be
voted for.
2.1.7. Independence of Judiciary and impartiality of the electoral
institutions; and
2.1.7 Voter education.
2.1.8 Acceptance and respect of election results by political
parties proclaimed to have been free and fair by the competent
National Electoral Authorities in accordance with the law of
the land.
2.1.9 Challenge of election results as provided for in law of
the land.
Significantly,
the Protocol recognizes that, in order for member states to undertake
successfully the obligations outlined in Section 2, a set of human
rights standards must also be observed. This point is succinctly
captured in Section 7.4 of the Protocol. The provision states that
SADC member states who are to hold elections must undertake to:
7.4 Safeguard
the human and civil liberties of all citizens including freedom
of movement, assembly, association, expression, and campaigning
as well as access to media on the part of all stakeholders
In other words, for a "free and
fair" election to take place, voters must have a "free
and informed choice". For the current election, this "free
and informed choice" is further restricted by the absence of
previously available and affordable daily independent newspapers
and strangled by the politicization of food handouts which cynically
forces voters to choose between their own survival, and by extension
their families, and the survival of the ruling party.
Conclusion
It has not been possible in
the limited space available to highlight the many other aspects
of the impending election that fly in the face of accepted democratic
norms - such as the fact that the Government has arrogated to itself
the sole power to conduct voter education programmes and that legislation
recently passed by parliament has severely curtailed the operations
of civil society organisations. The intention here is simply to
outline some key aspects. Much of the damage to the democratic process
has already been done. The chief culprit, this time around, ahead
of violence and the closure of democratic space, is the politicisation
of food handouts. If this is not effective, there is a danger that
the defective voters’ roll, the voting process and vote counting
will be manipulated to secure a ZANU (PF) victory.
Visit the Zimbabwe
Human Rights NGO Forum fact
sheet
1. Who is Responsible? Politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe
2000-2001 (August 2001) issued by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO forum.
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