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The Zimbabwe Electoral Environment Post March 2002 - Any Changes for Better or Worse?
Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN)
November 19, 2003

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Summary
Following the much disputed victory of Robert Mugabe in the long awaited March 2002 Zimbabwe Presidential Elections, several major elections have been held in Zimbabwe. These elections have been influenced by four main factors have played a significant role. These are violence, voter apathy, the economic crisis, and the on and off again talks between the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front (Zanu- PF).

Background
The March 2002 elections were greatly significant to two groups of citizens. For Zanu-PF supporters, there were key to their retention of political power and influence in an environment of real threat posed by the MDC. For the MDC, they held great potential for the party to gain power and for many Zimbabweans for a change to the socio-economic order which had prevailed in Zimbabwe for over 22 years. The elections came at a time when political polarisation in Zimbabwe peaked to hitherto unheard of levels. Thus there was great potential for both sides of the political divide.

Thus the violence which accompanied the election was not a surprise to many observers given the fact that the contest was a veritable battle for the hearts and minds of the Zimbabwean citizens. Many of these citizens were victims of the violence that erupted between the two parties. The violence was mainly perpetrated by supporters of the ruling party including militia groups aligned to the ruling party. Many of the citizens protested at the results of the elections which saw Zanu-PF retaining power amid accusations of state sponsored violence and manipulation of the electoral process.

Reaction to the Results
Immediately following the announcement of the election results, the MDC protested strongly the results and promptly filed an election petition against the election of Robert Mugabe citing violence and accusing the Registrar-General of deliberately falsifying information on the voters' roll in order to give the ruling party an unfair advantage. One and half years after the election results, the election petition remains in the court system with no end in sight.

Predictably the government lauded the results as an expression of the true will of the Zimbabwean people. The results were seen as legitimising the Zimbabwe electoral system and also the land redistribution which had been a source of great debate before the election . Given that so many people in the urban areas -predominantly opposition supporters- queued for more than half a day in order to be able to vote, the feelings of the ruling party were not shared by the majority of urban dwellers.

In the post election period, with the election victory almost as a justification for undemocratic behaviour, Zanu-PF began to strictly enforce some of the laws that had been promulgated amid much protest in the pre-election period in 2001. Of particular note was the very strict application of the media laws that of course culminated in the closure of the Daily News, the only independent daily newspaper in Zimbabwe. The government also introduced laws such as the Electoral Amendment Bill which although not yet passed will have a fundamental impact on the electoral framework in Zimbabwe today. Non-Governmental Organisations continued to be reviled as enemies of the state and agents of the imperialist west. The President has indicated on several occasions that legislation is being drafted which will curtail the activities of NGOs and increase governmental control not only of their activities but also their budgets. In a time of drought, several local and foreign food relief agencies stopped their food distribution programmes protesting against attempts to control the food distribution by Zanu-PF . The Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) remain in force and are increasingly used to control demonstrations and to justify periodic arrests of independent journalists.

In the past eighteen months, NGOs have faced threats and intimidation and violence not only from law enforcement agencies namely the Zimbabwe National Army and the Zimbabwe Republic Police but also from militia groups which support the ruling party. The ZRP is accused of colluding with the ruling party in the repression of opposition voices mainly by not arresting perpetrators of ruling party sponsored violence. The ZNA has several times in the past year been accused of engaged in random, arbitrary and unprovoked acts of violence against innocent victims. Other groups have been implicated. These are mainly the war veterans- those who fought in the war for liberation and are mainly ruling party supporters but also graduates of the National Youth Service Training Programme which was introduced to the Zimbabwean people as a developmental initiative but has assumed a sinister character as members are increasingly implicated in acts of violence, from assault, rape, torture, arson , intimidation and even murder on behalf of the ruling party.

The economic crisis which buttressed the calls for an end to Robert Mugabe' s rule of Zimbabwe worsened as the economy continued to implode at an untenable rate. Many basic commodities remained scarce and when they became available, runaway inflation led to the steep increase in their prices which put most of these commodities beyond the reach of most Zimbabweans including what is left of the middle class in Zimbabwe. Fuel and cash shortages were there for most of the early part of 2003 and these as yet have not been resolved. As the government continued to struggle to come up with mechanisms with the economic crisis unemployment rose to 75% and continues to rise. As is the case worldwide, a prolonged economic crisis always produces a political crisis and Zimbabwean is not an exception. It is quite clear that the answer to the economic crisis lies in a political settlement.

However the road to the political settlement which is filled with on -again, off again talks between the MDC and Zanu-PF interspersed with lukewarm attempts at mediation from several African heads of state has proved to be long and winding. It is not made easy by the stubborn refusal of both parties to compromise on their key points. The MDC that the government of Robert Mugabe is illegitimate and the ruling party that it will not talk to a party which does not recognise the Presidency of Robert Mugabe. The situation is not made any easier by the fact that Morgan Tsvangirai the leader of the MDC is facing charges of treason for allegedly plotting to assasinate the President of Zimbabwe, his very partner at the negotiation table. The talks have not fulfilled their potential at all and has proved nothing more than an opportunity for the protagonists to rail at each other once again with a lot of sound and fury ultimately signifying nothing.

In this mire of confusion, political intrigue and uncertainty several significant elections have been held since the March 2002 . The breakdown is given in the table below:

There are also vacancies in Kadoma Central, Zengeza and Gutu North constituencies. These elections are pending and are sure to be hotly contested as Zanu-PF continues to inch towards the two thirds parliamentary majority needed to effect amendments to the constitution.

Generally the citizens have not retained the interest which they had in elections at the levels of March 2002. The time and energy that people exerted in March 2002 has not been matched in these subsequent elections. Many voters were disappointed with the outcome of the elections and three years after the birth of a real parliamentary opposition, the life of the ordinary Zimbabwean has actually become worse so many have begun to question the value of the ballot. This is compounded that civic organisations are unable to penetrate the areas where voter education is most needed and that rural areas and even in urban areas, the situation is now so tense politically that is has become very difficult to undertake voter education activities so potential voters are in the dark as to the power and potential of their votes.

The activities of militia groups and party supporters mainly ruling and opposition party youth have impacted negatively on the electoral process as they have created an atmosphere of fear in the electorate many who now vote on the basis of fear and coercion. Thus voter turnout which was relatively high for the Presidential Elections has now decreased to the abysmal levels seen in the most recent elections in August 2003.

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