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Chinhoyi Elections: Another Electoral Fraud?
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights)
November 10, 2003

By Mash West Correspondent

The climax of democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe has taken place in the de jure transition from single party rule, where the current regime monopolised nearly every facet of political and economic order. Whilst, generally political contestation is legally permitted, the culture of fear and intimidation that exists in the country today makes it difficult for a pluralistic political system to viably challenge the status quo. Repressive legislation such as those governing electoral conduct to those, which should guarantee peace and justice grossly, inhibit the full enjoyment of fundamental freedoms such as freedoms of movement, expression and assembly. Pieces of legislation such as Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and Public Order and Security Act (POSA) are amongst the commonly used repressive tools against political party activism. Opposition supporters barely enjoy the fruits of openly expressing their political preference and affiliation. Zimbabwean political environment continue to reflect signs of a highly polarised state. The district council by-elections and mayoral elections that were geared to be held around the country in October further added tension to the already stretched political scene especially in Chinhoyi, Kadoma and Marondera. During the recent mayoral and rural district council election contests, Zanu PF was declared (The Herald 29/10/03) to have won 2 mayoral seats, 13 urban wards and 7 rural district council positions unopposed as the opposition was said to have failed nominating candidates. Results released by the Registrar General's Office at the close of the nomination courts on 28 October 2003 indicated that the ruling party had won the mayoral seat and 13 urban wards unopposed in Chinhoyi. The actual poll cast was due end of November 2003. ZimRights poll watchers in Mash West however reveal a different story. Below is one of the poll watcher's own statement of account:

Nomination Court Watch - Poll Watch Narrative Report of Chinhoyi, 28 October, 2003 by Watcher NJ

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On arrival, I found three MDC officials seated inside the waiting room to the chambers. No Zanu PF officials were present, but police details were already there. After about an hour, well known Zanu PF candidates started arriving and they waited outside. MDC officials were not allowed into the Chambers on excuse that official proceedings were to start at 1000hrs. At 0930 hours, a truckload of Zanu PF supporters clad in their party regalia arrived at the nomination court. The supporters started beating MDC officials who took to their heels and fled from the scene. Police details present at the scene failed to contain the situation.

ZRP Support Unit later arrived at the scene when the commotion had scaled down. As from 0930 hours the entrance to the nomination court was manned by six people and only Zanu PF officials were allowed inside. At 1000 hours, MDC papers which had been filed (some two days) before were torn by the Zanu PF supporters. This group of Zanu PF supporters is called "Top Six"¹ . All this happened in the full view of Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC) officers and ZRP details. One ESC officer was verbally abused. The MDC Chairperson for Mash West, Mr S. Matamisa tried in vain on two occasions to gain access to the nomination court while escorted by police details. It therefore meant that the MDC nomination papers were not filed since they were torn and hence Zanu PF was declared the winner 'unopposed'. The allegations are that the MDC failed to submit its papers on time but at one time the Ward Registrar, a Mr Chirinda announced before members of the public who were in the gallery soon after nomination that the opposition had submitted its papers on 24 October 2003. Chirinda as quoted in the Telegraph newspaper alleged that MDC papers had disappeared while in his custody and the matter was being treated as a criminal offence under police probe. Supporters of the opposition party were however subjected to diverse violations and harassment. Those harassed have fled to other towns and sought temporary refuge amongst relatives.

The above narration poses a big question on whether there will be a guarantee for universal suffrage in Zimbabwe. The institutions governing the conduct of elections are largely criticized for being pro-government. Till today, Zimbabwe does not have an independent electoral supervisory body. Generally, multi-party elections are considered to be the clearest expression of a new liberal political order, and the pinnacle of democracy. However, in the democratic transition of Zimbabwe, this might not be entirely true since the exercise of uninterfered suffrage is not guaranteed amidst reports and evidence of meagre vote buying, political violence, unfair treatment by the police, prevalence of intimidation and voter valence amongst other factors prompt an unfair level playing field.

Contesting elections and getting seats and positions in political offices such as mayors, councilors and members of parliament are one of the most direct and legitimate ways of linking the government and communities. Elections are also a direct way in which the electorate can say their voice and can influence policies. Just like in the past, many voted, but still wait for the fruits of their vote.

The Chinhoyi case poses many unanswered questions on the local quest for electoral democracy given that on the other hand at least 38 constituency electoral challenges were filed in the courts questioning electoral conduct during the 2000 general elections. It is now past two years with such court challenges not having been all finalised. It therefore translates that in most of these constituencies peoples' aspirations in terms of choosing their leaders have not yet been fulfilled. Whilst these challenges remain to be decided, the electorate already braces itself for another election in 2005 and the campaign period has just begun.

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