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Election Bulletin #2
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
March 08, 2002

Elections as gendered process
Women in Parliament Support Unit

Patriarchy has defined what constitutes free and fair elections in Zimbabwe; it is assumed that women enter the electoral process as equal citizens and thus are able to use the system in the same way as men. But this is a fallacy, the most basic indicator of which resides in the invisibility of women’s experiences and voices. At this time when Zimbabwe prepares for one of the most important elections in its history it becomes imperative that this is challenged.  It is not enough to pay lip service to gender equity.

While women are citizens with the same entitlements as men, this election has seen a drastic reduction in the space for women to participate, particularly given the parameters of the political contest ie. highly competitive and violent. Consequently in addition to restricting the spaces for women’s participation to the more traditional political roles the nature of the election also meant the overall there was little room for discussion about issues of women’s political participation and equity.

The challenge in these elections is to monitor and attempt to measure the gendered impacts of the electoral systems and processes.  What kind of questions do we need to ask in order to begin to construct a gendered analysis or profile of the upcoming election in Zimbabwe? What is free and fair for women and what is free and fair for men?

• Citizenship
• Registration of Voters
• Voter Education
• The Right to Express Political Opinion
• The Right to Freedom of Association, Assembly and Movement
• The Right to Campaign
• Conducting Elections
• Secrecy of the Vote
  
  

Every citizen, male or female, over 18 years can vote.  But cultural notions of citizenship often do not include women. Further, recent changes to Citizenship Laws are envisaged to impact negatively in disenfranchising people in the coming elections.

Some Key Questions:

• Have the General Laws Amendment Act (2002), and the Citizenship of Zimbabwe Amendment Act (2001) negatively affected women in any way?
• Did all people get access to information on the new Citizenship laws and Electoral laws?
• How was the information disseminated?
• Were any voters female/male turned away because they are now regarded as “foreigners”?

Technically, all adult citizens of Zimbabwe can register as voters.  However the General Laws Amendment Act (2002), defined new criteria for voter registration, which is discriminatory on the basis of gender. New practices by the office of the Registrar General to alter married women’s surnames, (to their husbands’), without notifying them or seeking their consent, potentially disenfranchises names on their identity documents do not match with what is on the voters’ roll.

Reports of “forced registration” under the leadership of headmen, coupled with threats of violence or no access to government (food) aid have been rampant.  While requirements for production of political party cards as a prerequisite to register have deterred many. All of this disproportionately affects women who are mostly rural based, less politically informed and more vulnerable to threats. The requirement to bring proof of such as electricity or water bills etc, disenfranchises women. In most cases these documents are not in (married) women’s names.

Some Key Questions:

• Were there clear, non-discriminatory voter registration criteria set and clearly communicated to all citizens in an accessible manner?
• Were the requirements for registration fair to both women and men e.g. identification, proof of residence etc?
• Were voter registration facilities accessible to both women and men: distance, safety, and security?

Over the last two decades voter education has been conducted by civic groups. The General Laws Amendment Act (2002) has since stipulated that only the Electoral Supervisory Commission provide voter education.  In both cases the education has largely been gender neutral, without much focus on women and their specific concerns. To date none of the political parties has specifically “spoken to women” as a constituency. The question as to how much young women feel politically engaged and involved, and what is being done to influence that is equally one that merits attention.

Some Key Questions:

• Do civic and voter education programmes entrench gender equality as a central feature of democratic citizenship?
• Was voter education provided in a manner and through media accessible to the majority of poor, illiterate, rural women?
• Was voter education conducted in an environment that made women and men feel confident to attend, and speak out without fear of violence and intimidation?
• Did both women and men participate in this education of their own free will?

The experiences and voices of women are often relegated to the sidelines since they are not regarded as opinion leaders or public actors by the status quo. Political violence has exacerbated the silencing and invisibilisation of women under threat and fear for their lives.

Some Key Questions:

• Are both women and men visible and audible in public media?
• Do both sexes have access to public platforms without fear of violence or reprisal?
• What have been the consequences of expressing political opinions on women and on men?
• Is data on political violence gender desegregated? What are the ratios?

The Public Order and Security Act  (POSA) has once again severely curtailed these rights, making it an offence to meet without police clearance.  Further women have been assaulted for moving from one area to another without the “requisite” documentation e.g. political party cards.

Some Key Questions

• Are both women and men free to associate with others of their choice?
• How has POSA been interpreted and implemented?
• What is the situation and experience of women and men in so called “no go areas” e.g. Mount Darwin, Zaka etc?
• How has the current political violence impacted on women’s social roles within their communities?

This right is technically guaranteed by the constitution and the Electoral Act, both candidates and their supporters are theoretically able to campaign when, how, and where they want.  The current political violence has severely curtailed the right of non-ruling party leaders and their followers to campaign. This violence disproportionately affects women and girls; images and voices of women are largely absent in this campaign – particularly as violence takes its toll.

Some Key Questions

• Are all parties able to campaign freely? Are they all visible and audible particularly in public media? (Radio/TV).
• Are women equally visible and audible during campaigns?
• What is the impact of the current political climate on women and men’s ability to campaign and participate in campaigns?
• Are the campaign messages aimed at both women and men? Are campaign messages also addressing women’s specific concerns?

While the Registrar General runs all elections, the Electoral Supervisory Commission monitors the conduct of the elections. Theoretically, mobile and stationary polling stations are set to ensure easy access to all voters. The requirement for citizens to vote in their electoral constituency will negatively affect displaced persons.

Checklist on voting days

• Were there equal numbers of women and men conducting the elections?
• What roles were women playing in the conduct of elections?
• Were polling stations accessible in all ways possible to all voters?
• How much time did voters spend in queues? This is particularly key for women who have triple roles especially in rural areas. Were there any provisions made for pregnant women, elderly, and those with babies/infants?
• What was the furthest distance a voter had to travel to vote? By what means of transport? An added issue here is women with children/babies.
• Was there anything that could have deterred women or men from casting their vote?
• How many women as compared to men were turned away? What were the reasons given? Did some reasons apply to one sex more than the other?

Technically one’s vote is one’s secret – however intimidation is rife. Given the high levels of illiteracy among women, many often seek assistance from polling officers when casting their ballot, thus leaving the secrecy of the vote was compromised.

Some Key Questions

• Has the secrecy of the ballot been explained to both women and men prior to voting? Is this secrecy consistently guaranteed throughout?
• Were both women and men able to vote freely and on their own?
• Where a voter needed assistance, was the secrecy of the vote still maintained?
• Did both women and men need help? What was the proportion of women as compared to men?

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