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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Price Controls and Shortages - Index of articles
Mugabe's
decree on prices puts Zimbabwe economy in a tailspin
Michael Wines, International Herald Tribune
August 01, 2007
http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/08/01/africa/zim.php?page=1
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe: Robert
Mugabe has ruled over this benighted country, his every wish endorsed
by Parliament and implemented by the police and military, for more
than 27 years. It appears, however, that not even an unchallenged
autocrat can repeal the laws of supply and demand.
One month after Mugabe
decreed just that, commanding merchants nationwide to counter 10,000-percent-a-year
hyperinflation by slashing prices by half and more, Zimbabwe's economy
is at a halt.
Essentials like bread,
sugar and cornmeal, staples of every Zimbabwean's diet, have vanished,
seized by mobs of bargain-hunters who denuded stores like locusts
in wheat fields. Meat is nonexistent. Gasoline is nearly unobtainable.
Hospital patients are dying for lack of basic medical supplies.
Power blackouts and water cutoffs are endemic.
Manufacturing has slowed
to a crawl, because few businesses can produce goods for less than
their government-imposed sale prices. Raw materials are drying up
because suppliers are being forced to sell to factories at a loss.
Businesses are laying off workers or reducing their hours.
Zimbabwe's economy has
been shrinking since 2000, buffeted by political turmoil, capital
flight and mismanagement. Never has it been in a more dire state
than now, business executives say.
"The last seven
years, I haven't panicked at all. I always figured that where there's
a will, there's a way, and I'd make some sort of plan," said
one Bulawayo clothing manufacturer who, like most people, refused
to be identified for fear of retaliation by the government. "Now
I'm not so sure. I think there's a real collapse coming." Zimbabwe's
vast underclass, the majority of its 10 or 11 million people, is
perhaps less affected by this latest economic shock, simply because
it has long been unable to afford most food anyway. The rural poor
survive on whatever they can grow. Urban and rural poor alike stay
afloat with food and money sent by the two million or more Zimbabweans
who have fled abroad. Remittances are so vital that in some rural
areas, the South African rand has replaced Zimbabwe's worthless
dollar as the currency of choice.
Rather, it is the middle
class, which had muddled through the last seven years of decline,
that is likely to feel the brunt. Factory layoffs and slowdowns
are bringing new poverty to the 15 percent or 20 percent of adult
Zimbabweans who still have jobs. Pensioners, whose fixed incomes
already have been gutted by hyperinflation, now find that no amount
of money can purchase some staples.
Private doctors said
in interviews that diseases of poverty, including tuberculosis and
malnutrition, are starting to appear among their patients, including
the minority whites who once comprised the wealthy class.
"Considerations
of color have begun to blur very much," said one Bulawayo doctor
whose average patient is a white business manager. "White people
will tell you, a little embarrassed and shy, that they're eating
nothing but sadza," or corn meal porridge, the doctor said.
"They've been reduced to the diet of the rural poor."
Bulawayo, whose 700,000
or more people make it Zimbabwe's second-largest city, painfully
reflects the impact both of Zimbabwe's long economic descent and
of the latest price-slashing. Most of the goods available on store
shelves this week were those that people did not need or could not
afford - dog biscuits; ketchup; toilet paper, which has become a
luxury here; gin; onions; cookies.
At city-center and suburban
locations of TM, a major supermarket chain, aisles of meat coolers
were empty save a few plastic bags of dog meat. Flour, sugar, cooking
oil, corn meal and other basics were not to be found. A long line
hugged the rear of one store, waiting for a delivery of the few
loaves of bread that a baker provided to stay in compliance with
the price directive.
Amid the chaos, the government
remains resolute. Mugabe has cast the price cuts as a strike not
against hyperinflation, but against profiteering businesses who,
he says, are part of a Western conspiracy to re-impose colonial
rule. In that view, hyperinflation is part of their strategy; price
rollbacks are the government's countermeasure.
Mugabe's June 26 decree,
much of which was later enacted into law, was draconian: businesses
were ordered to reduce their prices to the levels existing on June
18, generally by about 50 percent. Shop owners who refused to comply
would be jailed. Stores that closed or refused to restock goods
would be taken over by the government.
"We are at war.
We will not allow shelves to be empty," one of Mugabe's vice
presidents, Joseph Msika, said in a July 18 speech.
Since then, gangs of
price inspectors have patrolled shops and factories, imposing sometimes-arbitrary
price reductions, and as many as 4,000 businesspeople have been
arrested, fined or jailed. State-run newspapers publish lists of
telephone numbers on their front pages daily, exhorting citizens
to report merchants whose prices exceed dictates.
Ordinary citizens initially
greeted the price cuts with a euphoric - and short-lived - shopping
spree. However, merchants and the government's many critics say
that much of the cut-rate merchandise has not been snapped up by
ordinary citizens, but by the police, soldiers and members of Mugabe's
ruling party who have been tipped off to the price inspectors' rounds.
In Plumtree, a hamlet
near the border with Botswana, a line of shoppers gathered outside
a shoe store last week even before opening hours, the area's member
of Parliament, Moses Mzila-Ndlovu, said this week. As the store
opened, government inspectors appeared - and the throng followed
them in, buying up stock as it was marked down.
"It's theft, outright
theft," Mzila said. "Some of them had big cars, shiny,
sparkling double-cabs, and they filled them up with shoes and just
drove away."
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