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Price Controls and Shortages - Index of articles
Inflation
threatens Mugabe's grip
Daniel Silke, AXcess News
July 09, 2007
http://www.axcessnews.com/index.php/articles/show/id/11548
Cape Town -
For the last few years, most observers of Zimbabwe's plight regularly
questioned how much further the country could deteriorate before
a political social and economic implosion set in. Well, it has just
plummeted to new depths of despair - as Africa looks on with little
political will to alleviate the long-suffering lives of its ever-smiling
people. This week, soaring inflation (put at around 10000% per month)
finally took its toll resulting in huge price increases and widespread
food shortages that, has finally, started to threaten the cohesiveness
of the Zimbabwe regime. Throughout its previous crises, Zimbabweans
had managed - somehow - to live a relatively normal life by putting
food on their table (albeit more sparingly). This week it all changed.
For the first time, the once-thriving capital city of Harare witnessed
a retail meltdown which will affect everyone - and most importantly,
President Mugabe's cronies who keep him in power.
For once, the economic
meltdown can cause an internal political coup. Ironically, it is
not Zimbabwe's people who are rising up in anger and taking to the
streets in violent protest akin to the Orange Revolution in the
Ukraine more than two years ago. It is the simple fact that prices
have spiralled and stock shortages, as a result of panic buying,
have resulted in ordinary citizens wondering where their next meal
will come from - or for that matter, any basic supply and product.
What is more significant is that this pending humanitarian disaster
(already playing itself out), is simply not addressed by most of
Africa's leaders. Blinded by their historic loyalty to Mugabe as
a father figure of black anti-colonialism and the liberation from
white minority tyranny, no-one has been prepared to tackle the octogenarian
President. Even South Africa's Thabo Mbeki, playing quiet diplomacy
for years and years, has seen his efforts come to nought.
The African Union, always
trumpeting their new found adherence to democratic values and the
rule of law, have failed dismally to address this issue. The much
vaunted African Peer Review Mechanism which is supposed to act as
a self-monitoring device to ensure open societies across the continent
is barely worth the paper it is written on if Mugabe's excesses
remain unscathed. This week's economic crisis - the latest in a
long litany - does for the first time make life tough for every
Zimbabwean - even the privileged and protected. If opposition is
to emerge in that country, it now seems likely that it will be from
senior henchmen of Mugabe rather than from the somewhat moribund
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its leader,
Morgan Tsvangerai. Indeed, as the shelves or Harare's stores deplete
by the hour and as Mugabe arrests shop-owners for not unilaterally
lowering prices (a decree he issued to alleviate the plight of the
poor and buy some time and maybe even some votes), the country lurches
towards self-implosion as a result of inflation and economic decline.
This is no popular uprising
Ukraine-style. The implosion is happening around the regime as it
battles to survive. No-one is knocking on the doors of the presidential
palace and no-one is out in the streets. Ordinary citizens are locked
in a battle to secure scare goods - it's the battle on the retail
shelves that will be the key to the demise of the Mugabe government.
Clever supporters of Mugabe are fast realising that a change of
President (not necessarily government) will be needed to put goods
back on empty shelves. Perhaps the opposition will have some say
as events deteriorate, but the real likelihood is an exit strategy
for Mugabe and his replacement by a more pragmatic Zanu PF leadership.
This is the solution that much of Africa wants. Keeping the ruling
party (however corrupt) in power means that opposition remains marginalised.
It will be better for many of Africa's insecure (and dubiously-elected)
leaders to deal with a replacement for Mugabe but prop up the ruling
party. By encouraging opposition, African leaders open themselves
up to enhancing opposition within their own countries. On a continent
where 'free and fair' elections are often tainted by corruption
and irregularities, even the much vaunted new beginnings of the
'African Renaissance' are not quite ready to admit and legitimise
opposition to standards enjoyed elsewhere. Zimbabwe is set for change.
Ironically, it is unlikely to be popularist in any way. And, Africa
wants it this way. Inflation might well be the downfall of Mugabe
himself, but his opposition might have little to gain in the long
run.
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