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Tasting
good life, opposition in Zimbabwe slips off pedestal
Lydia Polygreen,
New York Times
April 12, 2013
Read this article
on the New York Times website
The guests arrived in
Bentleys, Benzes and BMWs. At a plush, riverside wedding in an upscale
suburb, the wine and spirits flowed and tables groaned with the
ample buffet. Politicians, celebrities, diplomats and business leaders
mingled to the strains of Oliver Mtukudzi, a Zimbabwean music star,
serenading the happy couple with his famous love song “Svovi
Yangu.”
This was not the wedding
of some stalwart of the dominant party that has ruled this mineral-rich
nation for decades. Instead, the 60-year-old groom was a one-time
labor organizer, Morgan Tsvangirai, the longstanding opposition
leader and now prime minister in a once uneasy but increasingly
comfortable unity government with President Robert Mugabe.
“I couldn’t
believe my eyes,” said Misheck Shoko, a member of Parliament
for Mr. Tsvangirai’s party, the Movement for Democratic Change.
“It must have cost a fortune. We cannot help but wonder: who
paid the bill?”
As Zimbabwe prepares
to choose a new president this year in long-awaited elections, voters
are increasingly questioning the erstwhile opposition, the only
serious challenger to the tight grip Mr. Mugabe and his party, ZANU-PF,
have held on this nation for decades.
Mr. Tsvangirai’s
underdog movement has long been the vessel of millions of Zimbabweans’
hopes for a more democratic, peaceful and prosperous future in what
was once one of Africa’s most stable and wealthy nations.
But four years of governing alongside Mr. Mugabe - and in some ways,
analysts say, being co-opted by him and his allies - has taken a
toll on its reputation.
The disenchantment
was evident in a survey last year conducted for Freedom House, a
watchdog group based in the United States, that found support for
Mr. Tsvangirai’s party had fallen to 20 percent from 38 percent
two years earlier among voters who declared a preference. By contrast,
support for ZANU-PF - the party that clung to power by beating,
torturing and intimidating thousands in the last election
in 2008 - grew to 31 percent last year from 17 percent in 2010,
the survey found, though some analysts noted that an unusually high
number of people declined to respond, probably out of fear.
Mr. Tsvangirai rocketed
to fame as the courageous leader of a party that dared to challenge
the rule of Mr. Mugabe, who has led this country since independence
in 1980. Photographs of him beaten and bleeding from the head in
2007 galvanized global opinion against Mr. Mugabe’s brutal
reign.
But these days, Mr. Tsvangirai’s
lifestyle has been the talk of a nation where millions live on $2
a day. He has taken to traveling abroad with a sizable entourage,
officials and analysts say, honeymooning in London and spending
holidays in Monaco. He recently moved into a government residence
that cost about $3 million to build.
His party entered the
power-sharing government in 2009, after disastrous elections in
which Mr. Tsvangirai won the most votes but withdrew from a runoff
because of the violence meted out against his followers. Hundreds
of people were killed in the crackdown. In a deal hammered out with
Zimbabwe’s neighbors, Mr. Tsvangiriai became prime minister,
and the two parties agreed to share power.
In practice, Mr. Tsvangirai’s
party has had almost no authority to change the fundamental structure
of Zimbabwe. The army and police forces remained under Mr. Mugabe’s
control. Mr. Tsvangirai’s party held ministries controlling
the economy and social services, both of which have improved, but
it has struggled to transform the architecture of Mr. Mugabe’s
security state.
Meanwhile, officials
in Mr. Tsvangirai’s party, many of whom suffered poverty while
fighting to remake Zimbabwe, began enjoying the trappings of power.
Government ministers, members of Parliament and other officials
were awarded fancy cars and travel allowances. Mr. Tsvangirai traded
his trade-unionist leather jacket for tailored suits.
His personal life has
been a source of embarrassment as well. His wife Susan died in a
car accident in 2009, and his romantic life since has been the subject
of extensive news coverage, much to his party’s chagrin. When
he was planning to marry Elizabeth Macheka, his current wife, another
woman challenged, claiming that she had been married to Mr. Tsvangirai
in a traditional ceremony in 2011.
The matter ended up in
court, with a magistrate ruling that Mr. Tsvangirai was in fact
already married under customary law. He was forced to cancel plans
for a legal wedding, and instead called the ceremony last September
a celebration.
Another woman also filed
court papers, claiming that she and Mr. Tsvangirai had been engaged.
Mr. Tsvangirai did not respond to repeated interview requests, but
he apologized publicly to supporters for his messy search for a
new wife, saying: “I had no intention to hurt anyone. It was
a genuine search.”
Other problems have erupted.
In Chitungwiza, a stronghold of Mr. Tsvangirai’s party, a
corruption scandal has engulfed the City Council. Elected officials
stand accused of selling access to hundreds of pieces of city-controlled
land for about $4,000 per plot and pocketing most of the money.
Council members from
Mr. Tsvangirai’s party, with the help of their former adversaries,
parceled off soccer fields, playgrounds, wetlands and areas set
aside for schools and churches. Land in Chitungwiza is not privately
owned; individuals and businesses lease it from the government.
But there is a long waiting list, and bribes to city councilors
helped people jump the line.
For many, the
painful irony is that thousands were pushed out of Chitungwiza by
Mr. Mugabe’s government in a 2005
demolition campaign to eviscerate opposition strongholds. Hundreds
of homes and businesses were destroyed, and today housing is scarce
and expensive. City employees are supposed to receive land for houses,
but many are waiting - and officials from Mr. Tsvangirai’s
party are now accused of profiting from the misfortune.
Never Tarugarira,
a janitor and handyman at a community center, has been on a waiting
list since 2005, but his number has never come up. So he rents two
tiny, fetid rooms for $100 a month, eating up much of his paycheck
- that is, when he gets one. He has not been paid for the past five
months because of the city’s fiscal woes.
“Some nights we
go to sleep without eating,” he said.
Alice Chihambakwe, another
Chitungwiza resident waiting years for a plot, says her husband
goes to work every day at the city’s sewer plant, but has
not been paid in months. Two of her children had to postpone crucial
high school exams because the family could not pay the fees, about
$30 per child.
“Our lives are
on hold,” Ms. Chihambakwe said, weeping softly.
The councilors proved
easy marks for corrupt bureaucrats from Mr. Mugabe’s party,
said Amos Matanhike, a former town clerk in Chitungwiza.
“The problem is
that most of the M.D.C. councilors are very young,” Mr. Matanhike
said. “They did not have houses, they owned no property. So
these youngsters took that opportunity, and they got onto the gravy
train.”
Once it got wind of the
scandal, Mr. Tsvangirai’s party tried to take action, firing
the councilors involved. But the minister for local government,
a ZANU-PF appointee, vetoed the dismissals, so the councilors remain.
Critics say the former
opposition party has been naïve, falling into a trap set by
Mr. Mugabe to co-opt and compromise them.
“Old Bob must be
chuckling and enjoying himself right now,” said Munyaradzi
Gwisai, a prominent activist. “He has them right where he
wants them.”
Nelson Chamisa, a top
official with the Movement for Democratic Change, says Mr. Tsvangirai
remains the best hope for change in Zimbabwe.
“He is the next
big thing in Zimbabwe,” Mr. Chamisa said. “He is the
only game in town.”
He called Mr. Tsvangirai’s
ceremony “a basic wedding” and that he deserved sympathy
after the tragic death of his previous wife.
“At times people
are very harsh and unkind to a very noble man,” Mr. Chamisa
said.
Asked who paid for the
wedding, Mr. Chamisa said, “There are many people who wish
him well.”
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