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Ready
or Not? Elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe in 2013
Amy Eaglestone, IDASA
February
25, 2013
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Introduction
Governments of National
Unity (GNU) have been established in various countries on the African
continent in recent decades, from South Africa and Liberia in the
nineties to more recently Kenya and Zimbabwe. GNU's are seen
as a transitional measure, a vehicle to reduce tension and to create
the space to drive durable peace and sustainable change. GNUs also
seem to be Africa's conflict resolution approach to intra-state
violence caused primarily by ethnic conflict and political polarisation.
These power-sharing arrangements are aimed at creating a stable
and inclusive political environment through which reforms can be
implemented. They have the potential to engender a political framework
based on democratic values and procedures. Yet they are fragile
arrangements with a high risk of disintegration and they are often
short lived.
In both Kenya and Zimbabwe
democratic process crumbled when political opposition parties were
on the verge of taking control of the state and the incumbent leaders
refused to relinquish power, citizens of both countries were then
confronted with severe electoral intimidation and violence and inadequate
rule of law to protect them. Both GNU's are now reaching the
end of their legal term. In Zimbabwe, the Constitution dictates
that new elections will be held in 2013. In Kenya elections are
planned for 60 days after terms of the GNU formation expire in January
2013, which is consistent with the original power-sharing agreement
(Further background to each country's crisis and subsequent
power-sharing agreement can be found in Appendix 1).
This paper focuses on
a comparison of the GNU's of Kenya and Zimbabwe and their
ability to implement reform in preparation for elections. This discussion
is based on issues central to the democratic crises for credible
and legitimate elections that the GNU's have attempted to
address, namely; single party dominance, institutional capacity
and electoral processes. Each topic is discussed by considering
the crosscutting context-specific issues of the legislative framework,
election credibility, the advantage of the incumbent administration
and political violence. It is generally considered that Kenya has
achieved the necessary reform to conduct legitimate and credible
elections and that Zimbabwe has not, therefore the point of departure
for this discussion is the state of reform in Kenya, to which the
situation in Zimbabwe is compared (a summary of discussions can
be found in Table 1, Appendix 2). The comparison in no way claims
to be comprehensive in its review; the aim is to offer an overview
of how the formation, structure and implementation of the GNU's
have impaired or enhanced the ability of each nation to prepare
for democratic elections.
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