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Do
parliaments matter: African legislatures and the advance of democracy
Heinrich Böll Foundation
August
07, 2012
http://za.boell.org/web/governance-and-institutions-857.html
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The single greatest
obstacle to democratic governance in most African countries has
been the existence of neo-patrimonial leaders, or "big men",
who dominate their political systems via a toxic mix of patronage,
corrupt practice and, ultimately, repression. This combination centralises
all power in the person of the president and, in the process, undermines
the state.
Thus, while
elections are a necessary element of democracy, they are insufficient
to break up this concentration of power. Successful democratisation
also requires building institutions of countervailing power, including
courts, ombudsmen, anticorruption authorities, human rights and/or
truth and reconciliation commissions, electoral commissions, public
services commissions, judicial services commissions, auditors general
and inspectors general. Institutions of countervailing power keep
in check the pathologies of "big man" rule and reduce
the power of "the imperial presidency", by substituting
them for forms of democratic governance where the rulers are held
accountable to the ruled.
However, legislatures
occupy a privileged position amongst institutions of countervailing
power: they are the sine qua non of representative democracy. All
democracies have legislatures whose members perform, with some measure
of effectiveness, four core functions. The first and most obvious
function is law making, or legislating in the broad sense; that
is to say, the engagement by the legislature in the policy making
process, in contrast to being a rubber stamp of bills proposed by
the executive. The second function, oversight, insures that the
executive faithfully implements the law on a day-to-day basis over
extended periods. Legislatures also play a central role in representation,
or the "re-presentation" of societal interests at the locus of government
decision making. Finally, legislators conduct constituency service,
bringing back government outputs and services to the citizens who
elected them. The first two functions are performed by members of
the legislature acting collectively and within the institution,
either in plenary sessions or in sessions of the committees that
deal with various areas of public policy or parliamentary business.
In contrast, members of legislature perform the third and fourth
functions individually by articulating the specific concerns of
their constituents in the legislature, or by discussing these concerns
with constituents outside the legislature. In countries that elect
the members of the legislature from single member districts - which
is the practice in most African countries - this means spending
considerable time back "home" in their districts.
Most African
legislatures have been historically weak institutions because of
a combination of factors that are a major disincentive for members
to perform the core and collective functions of the legislature.
This particular configuration of factors is unique to Sub-Saharan
Africa, though components of it are found elsewhere, and consist
of two principal elements. The first is Africa's demographics and
particularly the fact that most African societies are poor, agrarian,
plural, and unevenly developed societies. The second is the colonial
legacy, especially the formal rules (e.g. constitutions, standing
orders) that established the basis for today's legislatures in the
run-up to independence. This legacy usually imposed constraints
on the legislature by limiting the constitutional powers of the
legislature, especially with respect to the budgetary process. It
also left these legislatures poorly resourced, including low salaries
for members, limited physical infrastructure, and few professional
staff to support members in their work. Thirdly, colonial legislatures,
like their "parent" legislatures in Western Europe, also had limited
provisions for a system of parliamentary committees, especially
"sectoral" or "portfolio" committees with the expertise to shadow
ministries, departments and agencies of the executive branch. Finally,
most countries upon independence elected their members of Parliament
from single member districts or small multi-member districts rather
than by proportional representation from large multimember districts.
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