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The military factor in Zimbabwe's political and electoral affairs
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
June 30, 2011

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Summary

Since Zimbabwe's attainment of independence from colonial rule in 1980, the security sector, particularly the military, has played a significant role in the political and electoral affairs of the country. The visibility and influence of the military rose gradually over the years to the current position of dominance and de facto veto power over Zimbabwe's civilian affairs. From the 1985 national elections where the military featured prominently in the violence against Zimbabwe African People's Party (ZAPU) supporters, Zimbabwe's electoral processes have been militarized and subject to interference by a military partisan towards the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). It is this toxic role of the security sector in the electoral environment and the administration of elections that must be addressed urgently if Zimbabwe is to create an environment conducive to holding credible, free and fair elections that are without violence or intimidation.

Zimbabwe's political transition has been dogged by the partisan role of the military and other security services. This report provides empirical evidence of the omnipresent, partisan and politicized nature of the military in the socio-political governance of the country and how this toxic role is blocking Zimbabwe's democratic political transition. The use of the military to unleash terror in the electorate is Clausewitzian - it is aimed to deliver the political objective of keeping ZANU-PF in power and therefore the violence strategy is not random, it has a specific purpose. This report presents blatant political and partisan statements made by senior military officials to prove their compromised standing and their unholy alliance with ZANU-PF in blocking the country's democratic transition.

Over the years, in line with an elaborate patronage system, the previous ZANU-PF government controlled by president Mugabe systematically deployed military personnel to strategic positions in various state institutions responsible for governance such as the judiciary, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the Delimitation Commission, local government institutions, and state-controlled companies such as the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ), the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) and the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM). As a result, the military is deeply entrenched in the economy making their economic interests just as powerful as their fears for accountability for human right abuses.

It is unacceptable in a democracy to politicize the military, as it is to militarize political and civilian affairs and institutions. While the political leadership of the military is overtly partisan towards ZANU-PF, many soldiers in the rank and file are professional and non-partisan, aspiring to faithfully serve their country. It is a classical proverbial case of a fish with a rotting head. This report established that major challenges of partisanship and political interference are with the military leadership and not with the bulk of the low ranking members.

The Military Factor in Zimbabwe's Political and Electoral Affairs report gives recommendations on how the security sector, especially the military, can be subjected to civilian control and oversight to prevent it from subverting the will of the voters in the next elections. This report examines the role of the army in political processes such as political party campaigns, involvement of soldiers in politically-motivated violence and their extremely partisan and entrenched role in the administration of the economic affairs of the State.

At a minimum, the security sector - comprising the military, the police, the prison services and the central intelligence agency - must disentangle and completely separate itself from partisan politics and interference in the country's political and electoral affairs. Utterances by the military leadership that they will not salute any one without liberation credentials, which amount to preemptive coups in support of ZANU-PF, such as those made in 2002, 2008 and 2011, do not augur well for democracy and must cease to enable ordinary Zimbabweans to vote freely and have their vote count.

If Zimbabwe is to genuinely prepare for fresh elections that are free and fair, and where violence or intimidation play no part, then reform and transformation of the military and other security sector branches is of paramount importance. The power-sharing government of Zimbabwe and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) must urgently engage the military with a view to restore professionalism, independence and non-partisanship to the military and to completely divorce the military from all political interference.

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