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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Inclusive government - Index of articles
Spotlight on inclusive government: It's not working - Index of articles
Articles
of faith: Assessing Zimbabwe's GPA as a mechanism for change
- a legal perspective
Derek
Matyszak and Tony Releer, Research and Advocacy Unit Zimbabwe
April
08, 2011
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Introduction
Zimbabwe's
current Inclusive Government, more commonly referred to as a Government
of National Unity (GNU), was established pursuant to an Interparty
Political Agreement, itself more commonly referred to as the
Global Political Agreement (GPA). This Agreement was signed by the
"Principals" of the three main extant political parties:
the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF)
and two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations.
Rather than
simply containing clauses which are subject to legal interpretation
and enforcement, the larger part of the agreement comprises rhetoric
and ideological bombast designed to facilitate political posturing
and little else. The ideological bombast is symptomatic of the lack
of any real consensus between the parties, and the GPA thus reflected
a continuation of this discord rather than its resolution.
In fact, only Article XX of the GPA has, and was intended to have,
any real legal traction. The Articles of the GPA may be regarded
as falling into one of three categories - Articles which are mere
bombast, Articles which are of political relevance only, and Articles
which have legal traction. Even those Articles intended to have
legal traction are problematic. An agreement can only bind those
who are party to it. Accordingly, the GPA can only bind the signatory
political parties in their relationship with each other as political
parties, and no one else. Yet the three political parties purported
to oblige the both Government of Zimbabwe and its President, Robert
Mugabe, to undertake certain acts. The Government of Zimbabwe is
not party to the Agreement. Mugabe signed the agreement qua leader
of ZANU PF and not as President of the country. Even if he had signed
in the latter capacity, it is not possible for the President to
limit his powers provided for in the Constitution by contract. The
Articles which purported to do so only became legally enforceable
once incorporated in the Constitution itself.
The
Articles
a) Bombast.
The Agreement
commences with a Preamble, Definition Section and "Declaration
of Commitment" all of which are lofty statements of little
practical importance. The same may be said of several other Articles.
In Article III, the parties agree to give priority to "the
restoration of economic stability and growth", but the agreement
is largely meaningless without consensus as to the cause of Zimbabwe's
economic collapse and the manner in which stability and growth might
be restored. Article IV concerned "sanctions and measures"
imposed by western powers who thus alone have the power to remove
them and who have repeatedly stated the conditions necessary to
this end - conditions which would be met if democratic reforms mentioned
in the GPA were implemented. The phrasing of the Article does not
explicitly link sanctions with these conditions and simply facilitates
political posturing by ZANU PF around this issue. Article VIII addresses
the need to "observe Zimbabwe's national institutions,
symbols, national programmes and events". Given ZANU PF's
control over these events and its conflation of patriotism with
support for ZANU PF, the Article seeks to require the MDC to collude
with such conflation and is mere political cant. The following Article,
Article IX rejects foreign interference in Zimbabwe designed to
facilitate regime change and has clearly been inserted solely to
support ZANU PF's contention that the west is conspiring to
overthrown Mugabe's government. It is political posturing
and no more. By way of Article XI, the parties agree to abide by
the rule of law in Zimbabwe, something already required in terms
of Zimbabwe's legislative structure, and the GPA does not
add to or strengthen this existing obligation. Similarly, Article
XIV enjoins the Traditional Leaders to carry out their duties impartially
- something already required by the Traditional Leaders Act.
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