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Six month shadow report on the performance of the inclusive government of Zimbabwe - 2010
Civil Society Monitoring Mechanism (CISOMM)
September 14, 2010

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Introduction

Few can forget the desperation of economic hardship, political uncertainty and violence that surrounded the harmonized elections on 29 March 2008 or the presidential run-off on 27 June 2008. Of major significance was the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mediation process that resulted in a powersharing agreement that was signed on 15 September 2008. This culminated with the formation of the Inclusive Government (IG) on the basis of that Global Political Agreement (GPA) in February 2009. The Six Month Review follows on the Annual Review which was launched in February 2010, in order to review and analyse the extent of implementation of the GPA by the IG in several critical sectors.To use the favoured metaphor in Zimbabwe, of a reluctant marriage: it has been 18 months and the parties have not yet sought a divorce. On paper, they remain committed to fulfilling the GPA. This report, using information collected by CISOMM members in the course of their work in the field, juxtaposes the evidence of the Government's implementation of the GPA with the benchmarks set out therein.

One of the biggest concerns remains a failure to deliver on pre-nuptial promises. These persistent 'outstanding issues' continue to hinder progress by the IG in key areas of reform and aggravate suspicion and polarisation between the political parties. SADC, and most particularly, Jacob Zuma's leadership in South Africa, continues to urge the reluctant parties to adhere to the GPA in the hope that this will provide a lasting solution to the Zimbabwe crisis by ushering in political tolerance and reform while preparing the terrain for future elections. Nevertheless, the political arrangement in Zimbabwe is a highly precarious one; meaningful reform is not a foregone conclusion. Elections loom large as a spectre on the horizon, and it seems difficult for the political players not to set their agendas to this objective. Thus, certain processes of reform are either obstructed or protracted. Areas of critical, but limited, reform concern the media, the freedoms of assembly, political association, and speech, as well as in those state institutions that have a stake in protecting or hindering these, such as the police force and the courts. The anticipated elections pose a serious catch-22 scenario: On the one hand, elections are the only acceptable way to affect a political hand-over that represents the will of the people and, given the perpetual contestation and compromise that accompanies any reform or decision, to effect real change in the system. On the other hand, without reforming those flawed institutions, repressive legislation and the situational environment, the elections are sure to transpire in exactly the same manner as before.

Nonetheless, there are certainly sectors in which members of the IG have cooperated to achieve progress. The economic situation stabilised with the introduction of foreign currencies, namely the US dollar and the South African Rand as a credible medium of exchange, and the introduction of new fiscal policies. The Parliamentary select committee on the constitution (COPAC) has demonstrated some political will to carry out its mandate as a unified national initiative and other institutions such as JOMIC, the Constitutional Commissions, and other Parliamentary groups are similarly learning to work together.

Others, unfortunately, remain the bastion of one political party and as such, have seen little reform. In fact, in many cases, in complete disregard for the dynamics of power-sharing, they continue to be used to repress opposing voices and are intended to ensure the concentration of coercive power in the hands of one party. The security services and the Attorney-General's office are still extremely politicized. Additionally, while the country struggles to raise the funds to ensure its continuity, natural resources that should be available for developing the nation, such as the diamonds in Chiadzwa and the agricultural land have remained tightly controlled by ZANU-PF. Partisan politics still inhibits progressive policymaking and national reconciliation. This is an auspicious time for change in Zimbabwe. But it is still unclear whether political actors possess the mettle to follow through on past promises.

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