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Rules
for our Rulers - Interview with Bishop Ancelimo Magaya, Christian
Alliance
Lance Guma, SW Radio Africa
August 03, 2009
http://swradioafrica.com/pages/rfr110809.htm
As Zimbabwe
struggles towards a new constitution, SW Radio Africa in conjunction
with Zimbabwe Democracy Now, bring you Rules for our Rulers, a programme
that gives you the chance to air your views on the constitution
you want. We speak to the youth, women, churches, politicians and
civil society groups working in and outside Zimbabwe. Rules for
our Rulers . . . .telling politicians what you want.
Lance
Guma: Maswera sei mhuri ye Zimbabwe, we welcome you to
Rules for our Rulers, a programme where we are looking at the crafting
of a new constitution and giving various groups the platform to
have their say. This week we speak to Bishop Ancelimo Magaya from
the Christian Alliance. Bishop, thank you very much for joining
us on the programme.
Bishop
Ancelimo Magaya: You're welcome.
Lance:
Now just recently you took part in the Mass
Public Opinion Institute's monthly forum on the 29th of
July and this was really a debate on whether or not the new constitution
process represented a false start. Now opening remarks, Bishop Magaya,
what do you make of the process so far?
Magaya:
OK, I think the process so far, as far as I'm concerned, in
the circumstances that are prevailing, the current process that
we have, I'm sure, is the only possible practical way forward.
Of course I am quite cognizant of the fact that people have various
views regarding that and there are others who would have felt that
these processes should not have involved the government at all because
they argue from the theory that the politicians of the day should
not take part or should not be predominant in the writing of the
constitution and therefore they feel that people must wholly own
this process and by that they mean that it should be strictly civic
society and other various stakeholders, apart from the government.
So you have on one hand that extreme point, but you also have on
the other hand another possible extreme view which would have wanted
to see the executive really driving this process. And I think that
this process that we have which I dub the 'middle of the road'
approach is the best in the circumstances prevailing where we have
at least a kind of combination of the two. We have the parliament
which is the only democratic institute that we have in Zimbabwe
currently, facilitating this process and I believe that, as of now
that is the ideal practical situation.
Lance: Now those who
are opposed to that type of process Bishop Magaya are saying if
you leave it to the politicians there will be no control of the
final product by ordinary people so their reservations are drawn
from that.
Magaya: That argument
is well understandable, especially that we are coming from a background
where that has happened before, I mean 1999 and 2000, we have the
same sort of thing happening where the government was actually driving
this process and then one of the reasons why it is called people
rejected that constitution is that one, people felt that it was
driven from the executive but also secondly, there are certain commissioners
that were part of this process that disassociated themselves. Why
- because they felt that the end result of that process was
actually doctored, what they had seen was not, as far as they were
concerned, was not what they initially crafted in there. So of course
you understand, I think so what? Given if the politicians actually
control, so what, does this mean we should then withdraw and actually
leave it wholly to them? I think that we should fight to ensure
that that does not happen. I was actually arguing last Thursday
that the select committee, which I'm sure so far has done
fairly well despite the disruptions from various quarters, politicians,
Zanu-PF in particular, they have attempted to disrupt this process
because I don' think the hard-liners within Zanu-PF are keen
for the writing of the constitution. They have done so well and
I was arguing then that look, the All Stakeholders Conference should
be the supreme organ in this process, where we have that organ determining
and defining in every minutest detail how this process must unfold
and one of the demands that we have to make is that. We don't
want any member within the executive or any parliamentarian to alter
even in a minute fraction of that draft once we are done with the
consultations. Once the All Stakeholders have said yes this is what
we have agreed on and then the Select Committee submits their draft
report and then straight we go to the referendum.
Lance:
But confusing the whole issue, I think one aspect that has really
muddied the waters here a little bit is the Kariba
Draft. Now we know Robert Mugabe has already told his Zanu-PF
central committee that the Kariba Draft should form the basis of
a framework for a new constitution, we've also heard the State-owned
Herald newspaper publishing the Kariba Draft, so there are worries
from a lot of quarters that this whole constitutional process is
nothing but a sham to smuggle the Kariba draft into the constitution.
Magaya:
As I said already, again the cynics, the suspicions are well understandable.
Number one because Zanu-PF is not to be trusted, they have shifted
goal posts at time without . . . (inaudible) and I'm sure
nobody should actually trust them, but equally so if the fact that
we don't trust them should not mean that we should actually
give up and allow them to run an open cheque with peoples'
lives. What I'm very certain of is that the Kariba document
is the desire of Zanu-PF and of course in a democratic society it
is their right to campaign for Kariba document but they should equally
so not be allowed to impose the Kariba document onto the populace
of Zimbabwe.
And one of the
things . . . (inaudible) . . . Zimbabweans are still slaves to the
past, slaves to the history. Mugabe says something at a central
committee meeting or political meeting of Zanu-PF and they should
not confuse that as an official statement of the government. He
is speaking from the viewpoint of the president of a political party
which is not necessarily the government. Don't you forget
that after having said that, he is having to meet about 52 members
of cabinet who would look at him in the face and say no to what
he is talking about. So people should not be scared simply because
the State (owned) Herald has pontificated on the Kariba document,
or Mugabe has pre-empted whatever this process and say this Kariba
document - that is his opinion and he is one of the Zimbabweans
but that should not be taken as the gospel regarding the writing
the constitution.
Lance:
Now groups like the NCA
have taken the position to completely boycott; I did speak to Munyaradzi
Gwisai a couple of weeks ago and the position of their own organisation,
the Democratic United Front is that they will participate under
protest. Now is there a feeling, listening to you talking, saying
we should use this chance, is there a feeling that government has
in a sense, bullied people into accepting this process, although
it's not what they really would have wanted, in terms of the
civil society groups, it's not really what they would have
wanted but they have simply been bullied into accepting this?
Magaya: Yah, one would
say yes, the people might have been bullied but I don't think
the fact that they have accepted to actually participate, albeit
of course under protest, does mean that we have accepted the bullying.
It simply is an acknowledgement of the fact that the reality on
the ground is that Zanu-PF still holds a sizeable amount of power
and the only thing that they would want is for the people to boycott
this whole process and then of course we'd delay, we'd
delay the process of change. But we are saying look remember 29th
March in 2008, people spoke with clarity in an environment that
was not conducive to free and fair elections. Of course we appreciate
that it was relatively free in comparison with 27th June non event
but we have said despite that environment which is not quite ideal,
despite the process that is not ideal, we will go on, we will mobilise
the people and the will of God as will be expressed in the will
of the people, will prevail and this I can assure you despite the
circumstances obtaining.
Lance: Now at this Mass
Public Opinion Institute Forum, you gave an overview of the history
of Zimbabwe's constitution, before of course looking at the
potential benefits and pitfalls in the current process, so I have
to ask this question - do you think the 'vote no'
campaign that was run by the NCA in 2000 was a mistake?
Magaya: I wouldn't
say that was a mistake really, I think that was a very clear political
statement. Why - because it was run by one party, it was a
sort of one party activity. Of course it has its own consequences
in that it has somewhat delayed certain processes of change but
I think we have had to count our losses in principle and I wouldn't
want to suggest that it was really a mistake, not at all. Look,
people had to make a statement, number one it was wholly run by
Zanu-PF and we also had to test our ground, rather to test the waters
for possibility of change.
So it was quite providential and necessary there. But now there
has been reconfiguration, things have changed and there are many
more players, men and women of integrity that are now part and parcel
of this process and we need to understand that the MDC does not
have a total control of this, but we need to take advantage of the
slight window of opportunity that has opened up to actually ensure
that the will of the people will prevail.
Lance: Is there a big
worry that there has been a lot of focus on the process rather than
the content? Are we not being waylaid into looking . . .
Magaya: Precisely. Precisely
that. I think we have also made reference to what has happened in
other countries, for example South Africa. Look we have had politicians
involved and they did not even hold a referendum but they have a
probably an ideal constitution so wasting time on process as opposed
to content, it's like chasing a rat that has entered a house
when the house is burning and we actually waste energy and resources
on minors and rather majoring on the minors and minoring on the
majors.
Lance: In terms of what
we should have in this whole new constitution, getting to specifics,
the content that we're talking about, what sort of things
would an organisation like the one that you represent, the Christian
Alliance, what sort of things would you want in a new constitution?
Magaya: Right, what we
would want in a new constitution has, and of course I appreciate
the fact that a lot of these things are going to be quite reactionary
but I also believe that they are going to be timeless in terms of
their value and application. But what really we are keen on is things
surrounding electoral and electoral processes in our country which
have really been abused to favour a different side but also the
excessive powers on the part of the office of the president, we
would want a situation where power is separated, and that for us
is going to be very critical, but also human rights, human rights,
the upholding of human rights where people are allowed to associate
freely. For us these are critical and fundamental issues that we
feel would be non-negotiable. In other words, we want this constitution
to be able to address the processes of structural power. We don't
want people to hold onto power even though when people no longer
want them.
Lance: Now I had one
interesting interview some time ago with Dr Alex Magaisa who had
written an article entitled 'A new constitution will not save
Zimbabwe'. Now his argument is that there's an obsession
with the constitution as a panacea to everything, saying what is
needed is a respect for constitutions rather than really looking
at a new constitution in itself. For example the current constitution,
if respected, guarantees a lot of freedoms. So it's all about
respect for a new constitution or respect for a constitution rather
than just having a new constitution for the sake of having a new
one.
Magaya: Exactly, this
is what we call constitutionalism - the way in which people
interact to the constitution, the way they uphold that which is
enshrined and contained in the constitution. You know it is not
the constitution alone that actually makes things right. I have
actually heard people, even in some of these organisations, people
actually change the constitution for purposes of what, their own
personal gain, so really you are right, I agree with Dr Alex Magaisa,
that yes, it's not only the constitution that is important
but also respect for it. But we've got to have a starting
point, where we in the first place have to have a good constitution
and then we begin to move onto the next level where we fight and
defend that constitution and ensure that we are ready to die for
it in the event that somebody would want to abuse it and so forth.
Lance: My final question
Bishop Magaya, constitutions are very technical creatures, I mean
if you were to be going out in the rural areas, outreach programmes
would people there really understand what's happening, what
sort of input they should give, what is a constitution, what is
a constitution meant to be doing - is that not quite a challenge
for this process?
Magaya: Of course it
is but I think we can demystify some of these concepts. People know
what happened to them last year, they were beaten, battered, bruised
and so forth and then we told them to explain the constitutional
issues vis-à-vis, I mean their experiences. The fact that
they have been abused, they have been tortured, simply because that
party did not have rightful respect for the constitution. So you
try to demystify the complex concepts of the constitutional issues
and try to bring it home where people really understand it. And
I'm sure it's going to be a bit tough but I think also
it is not insurmountable.
Lance: That there is
Bishop Ancelimo Magaya speaking to us on Rules for the Rulers and
he of course is from the Christian Alliance. Bishop Magaya thank
you very much for joining us on the programme.
Magaya: Thank you very
much my brother, God bless you.
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