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Labour markets and the rebuilding of human capital
Godfrey
Kanyenze, United Nations Development Program (UNDP)
July 24, 2009
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This paper is
part of the Comprehensive Economic Recovery in Zimbabwe Working
Paper Series
Executive
Summary
After more than
two decades in which purely economic objectives tended to dominate
the mainstream of development discourse, social considerations and
a more nuanced understanding of the nature of poverty came to the
fore in the latter half of the 1990s, most evident in the rise of
multidimensional poverty reduction strategies papers in which growth
was seen as a necessary, but not sufficient condition, for a reduction
in global poverty levels. This shift was also felt in the area of
employment. While, for example, under the so-called Washington Consensus1
the focus had been on the need to ensure maximum labour market flexibility,
in the new millennium this was replaced by recognition of the importance
of employment in national development processes and poverty reduction
efforts. While the crucial role of rapid and sustained growth in
reducing poverty levels was not disputed, at the same time there
was also a deeper understanding of the importance of the quality
of growth, and more specifically the extent to which it created
employment opportunities.
In the specific
case of Zimbabwe, an evaluation of developments in the labour market
and performance in terms of human capital formation since independence
in 1980 suggests that even before the onset of the crisis in 1997,
growth rates were not only erratic but were also insufficiently
robust to absorb new entrants into the labour market. Since 1999,
the relationship between growth and employment weakened substantially,
resulting in huge 'decent work' deficits and endemic
poverty. 2 Women and youth, as well as people with disabilities,
all of whom had tenuous links with formal employment at the best
of times and are found predominantly in the marginalised and vulnerable
non-formal sectors of the economy, experienced the worst forms of
deprivation and poverty.
Rather than
the formalization of the non-formal sectors of the economy that
one would expect from any development process, it is the informalisation
of the formal sector that has occurred in Zimbabwe, such that by
2004, four out of every five jobs in Zimbabwe were to be found in
the informal economy. The country's education and training
system, which should play the role of creating the requisite capabilities
to enable the majority of Zimbabweans, especially in the non-formal
segments of the economy, to participate in, and benefit from growth,
experienced reversals of the gains that had been made in the 1980s
and early 1990s. More fundamentally, education and training provision
remained supply-driven, resulting in a mismatch between the demand
and supply of skills in the economy. Over the last two years, and
as the economy descended into freefall with worsening negative growth
rates, both labour markets and the country's human capital
base suffered from rapid shrinkage. Going forward, credible policies
that help to trigger employment-intensive recovery and pro-poor
growth, including labour-intensive rehabilitation and maintenance
of infrastructure, are required. A revisiting of the country's
approach to education and training, based on consultations between
all stakeholders, should help to ensure greater flexibility of those
systems to respond to the needs of the economy. Measures that facilitate
return migration and use of diaspora skills are also critical in
leveraging human capital for recovery.
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