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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Index of articles on enforced disappearances in Zimbabwe
Three
released on bail - Peace Watch
Veritas
April 18, 2009
Newsflash
Last 3 Abductees
Released on bail: Andrisson Manyere, Gandhi Mudzingwa and Chris
Dhlamini have been at last released on bail. Justice Hungwe had
granted them bail on 9th April, but the State immediately blocked
their release by notifying its intention of appealing to a judge
of the Supreme Court against bail. But the State appeal was not
lodged within the 7 days stipulated by law. In an unfolding legal
drama, although the State managed to get the required permission
to appeal, this was not obtained in time and the three had already
become entitled to their liberty and they were released on bail
on Friday evening. So, on this occasion at least, the delays that
have dogged these cases worked in favour of the abductees.
Update
on Peace Worker Abductees
Jestina Mukoko
and Broderick Takawira of the Zimbabwe
Peace Project are still facing criminal charges - as members
of the recruiter group. They are both out of custody on bail and
trying to recover from their experience of being abducted, "disappeared"
and tortured.
Update
on Political Abductees
All the abductees
- the group of 9 accused of recruiting for training in insurgency
and the group of 7 accused of sabotage and bombing - are now
out on bail. [See end for summary of court cases since 31st March.]
Like the peace workers they are trying to heal from their experiences
of having been "disappeared" and tortured. After the
experience that these "hostages to political expediency"
have gone through, the conditions they need to recover from their
experience are still not being met. In spite of being treated medically
for their injuries and medical conditions caused by their torture
and detention in bad conditions, they are not being allowed to recover
emotionally from their ordeals. The first priority after such an
experience is to feel safe and then after that to try and normalise
one's life again. None of the abductees feel safe after such an
experience - they were abducted when going about their normal
life and they feel they could be abducted and just "disappear"
again, this time never to be found. The constant reporting to police
demanded by their bail conditions reminds them of their ordeals,
the constant court cases keep them in a state of tension and make
them feel vulnerable and exposed. None of them can pick up on normal
life with the threat of a trial hanging over them.
Trial
Dates Finally Set
- 8th June
for Fidelis Chiramba, Concillia Chinanzvavana, Emmanuel Chinanzvavana,
Pieta Kaseke, Violet Mupfuranhehwe and Collen Mutemagau on recruiting
charges [the recruiter group has been split into two for purposes
of trial]
- 29th June
for the bomber group [Chris Dhlamini, Gandi Mudzingwa, Andrison
Manyere, Zachariah Nkomo, Regis Mujeyi and Mapfumo Garutsa]
- 20th July
for Jestina Mukoko, Broderick Takawira and Audrey Zimbudzana [the
rest of the recruiter group] on recruiting charges.
Jestina Mukoko's
Supreme Court case, raising the breaches of her constitutional rights
by State agents [abduction, illegal detention, torture, etc], is
likely to be heard in May. Success in this case could result in
the termination of the criminal proceedings against her if the Supreme
Court considers that to be appropriate redress for breaches of the
Constitution found to have been committed. This would be a test
case that could be applied the others.
Are
These Trials Necessary?
There is a widespread
conviction in the country and outside that the charges against the
abductees are trumped up and politically motivated - that
the abductees are the unhappy victims of cynical manoeuvring by
the then governing party and its agents in the tortuous run-up to
the formation of the Inclusive Government and now as part of a behind-the-scenes
bargaining process in which the old guard seeks a blanket amnesty
for all past wrongdoing. This conviction is bolstered by the perception
that the determination with which the State is persisting with the
cases is not matched by action against those accused of notorious
crimes against MDC-T supporters, including the torture of the abductees.
Another suggestion made is that their lengthy illegal incarceration,
coupled with the torture to which they were subjected by State Security
personnel, renders criminal proceedings against them an abuse of
the process of the court.
Do these cases
really have to come to trial? No. While it is true that no-one,
not even the President, can order the Attorney-General to drop the
charges [Constitution,
section 76(6) and (7)], there would be nothing wrong in principle
were the President or the party principals or JOMIC to convey to
the Attorney-General a strong belief that the national interest
would be best served by stopping these proceedings at once. And
it would be in order for the Attorney-General to accept that advice
and withdraw the charges. [There is no constitutional or legal principle
that prevents him doing so.]
Persisting with
the charges is also doing nothing for the national healing process.
It could be the first concrete action of the Organ of National Healing
headed by Minister John Nkomo [ZANU-PF], Minister Sekai Holland
[MDC-T] and Minister Gibson Sibanda [MDC-M] to press for the charges
to be dropped as a gesture of reconciliation. It would show the
nation that they are in earnest. These cases are a running sore,
and damage the image of the new government.
The Organ could
also show its commitment to national healing by backing enquiries
in Parliament on the use of torture by police and State security
personnel, to ensure not only that the practice is stopped, but
also that perpetrators are brought to book.
New
Allegations of Torture by Police
Seven farm workers
who were arrested ten days ago have alleged that they were all brutally
tortured by the police in an effort to force false statements from
them.
Questions
on Torture in Parliament Not Answered Satisfactorily
On 1st April
the Ministers of Home Affairs faced two questions about torture
in the House of Assembly:
1. Why
has Zimbabwe not ratified the UN Convention on Torture?
Minister Mutsekwa
[co-Minister of Home Affairs] said he was trying to ascertain why
papers prepared in 1995 for Parliamentary approval of the Convention
had not been processed. This should be pursued, as the real question
is if the Government is going to take the necessary steps for Zimbabwe
to become party to the Convention. The same question arises for
the important Optional Protocol to the Convention. Getting Parliamentary
approval of the Convention and the Protocol is a necessary step
in the process, but the decisive final step is for the Government
to file the appropriate legal documents with the United Nations.
[See further below.]
2. Whether
the ministry has approved the alleged torture of suspects as a means
of getting confessions, and, if not, why suspects are still being
tortured and evidence obtained through such means used in courts?
Minister Mutsekwa
said the Ministry does not approve of this and pointed out that
such confessions are not admissible in court. Disappointingly, this
answer fell noticeably short of an outright condemnation of torture
as conduct totally unacceptable in principle.
The Government
must do better than this if it is improve its credibility in Zimbabwe
and internationally. The formation of the Inclusive Government has
raised expectations that not only would torture be a thing of the
past but also that torturers would be brought to book. [Torture
is prohibited by our Constitution and constitutes a serious criminal
offence.]
A Suggestion:
Action Plan for Joining up to Torture Convention and Optional Protocol
- Section 111B
of the Constitution requires prior Parliamentary approval before
Zimbabwe becomes party to international treaties and conventions.
Approval is granted by resolutions passed by both Houses. The
appropriate resolutions approving the Convention and the Optional
Protocol could be passed by the Senate and the House of Assembly
as soon as Parliament resumes sitting in May.
- Because Zimbabwe
was not a signatory of the Convention and the Optional Protocol
when they were drawn up in 1984 and 2002, respectively, the technical
procedure for becoming party to them is for the Government to
lodge instruments of accession with the Secretary-General of the
United Nations. An instrument of accession is a simple legal document
signed by the President on the recommendation of Cabinet.
Suggested
targets for action:
- Parliament
to approve Convention on Torture and the Optional Protocol to
the Convention not later than 21st May
- Government
to lodge instruments of accession with the United Nations before
the 26th June [26th June is the anniversary of the coming into
force of the Convention in 1987 and is recognised as "International
Day in Support of Torture Victims"].
Update
on "Political" Court Cases
The "recruiter
group" [9 persons accused of recruiting persons for training
as terrorists, saboteurs or insurgents]
9th April -
their case came up again at the magistrates court on - the
date on which the State had previously undertaken to serve the formal
legal documents indicting them for trial before the High Court ["indict
papers" state the charges in detail, give date of trial, summarise
the State case, list State witnesses, etc]. The Director of Public
Prosecutions gave the excuse that the papers were not ready because
of a breakdown of typing and printing facilities in the Attorney-General's
Office and asked for a further two weeks' remand in which
to complete preparation. Despite the defence lawyer's objection,
the magistrate remanded all the accused until the 24th April -
but relaxed the reporting condition [from twice weekly to once weekly]
and scrapped the travel restriction.
The "bomber
group" [7 persons accused of sabotage]
9th April -
bail was granted to the 3 still in custody [4 have been on bail
for some weeks]. The State blocked release initially, but this has
now fallen away and they were released on bail on Friday [see Newsflash
at beginning]. Their case will come up again in the magistrate's
court on 29th April when the State has said it will be ready with
the documents indicting them for trial before the High Court commencing
29th June.
[Note: Once
the State has served the "indict papers" there will be
no further need for regular magistrates court remand hearings -
the next court hearings will be when the various High Court trials
commence.]
Roy Bennett
Roy Bennett
is next due in Mutare Magistrates Court on 21st April for a remand
hearing. He is on bail awaiting trial on allegations of possessing
arms of war in 2006, contrary to section 10 of the Public Order
and Security Act.
Dr Tichaona
Mudzingwa
Dr Mudzingwa's
trial in the High Court has been postponed to 27th April. He was
arrested in April 2008 on accusations of attempting to cause disaffection
among members of the defence forces by misinforming soldiers that
Mr Tsvangirai had won the March 29 Presidential election. Dr Mudzingwa's
trial has now been held up on five separate occasions because a
senior Army officer has repeatedly failed to turn up to testify
as a State witness, pleading the call of official duties. Dr Mudzwingwa,
a physician who has distinguished liberation war credentials, is
the MDC's secretary for defence and home affairs. He now serves
as Deputy Minister of Transport in the government of national unity.
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