|
Back to Index
This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
The
Zimbabwe political deal: A commentary
Bishop Rubin Phillip, Zimbabwe Solidarity
Forum
Presented at the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu
Natal, Durban
October 30, 2008
Progress
so far
On the 15th
of September 2008, 3 political parties in Zimbabwe (ZANU PF, MDC
-T and MDC Mutambara) signed the Global Political Agreement
which was to move Zimbabwe from a state of paralysis to a new beginning.
The signing of this agreement came after a series of talks brokered
by former South African President, Thabo Mbeki, acting on behalf
of SADC with a Reference Group that included the AU and the UN.
The signing
of the GPA gave rise to expectations both in Zimbabwe and outside
that the parties involved would urgently get down to the serious
business of implementing the agreement and moving the country from
a state of paralysis to the new beginning. Regrettably, the situation
in Zimbabwe at the moment is worse off than it was on 15 September
when the GPA was signed, and indeed worse off than it was when the
MoU
that set the framework for the talks that led to 15 September.
- 4 weeks after
the signing of the GPA, 2 civil society leaders - Jenni
Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu are languishing in prison. They
were incarcerated
on 16 October up to today, denied bail for expressing the view
that there is a national disaster in Zimbabwe and that food must
be given to all the people.
- 120 people
are reported to have died of cholera in Zimbabwe between February
and October 2008; at least 25% of these died since the GPA was
signed.
- The food
situation in the country has been deteriorating further since
the signing of the agreement.
The signing
of the agreement has not had a positive impact on the people of
Zimbabwe; it has not enabled Zimbabwe to be restored to normalcy
at the polical, social and economic levels. The single most important
expectation from the signing of the agreement had been the restoration
of normalcy in Zimbabwe's political arena. The restoration
of normalcy in the political arena is seen as the key to resolving
all the other aspects of the crisis bedevilling Zimbabwe. What we
have had instead since the agreement was signed has been talks and
talks about the agreement. On Monday 27 October, the world learnt
that the talks on the implementation of the agreement had collapsed.
Collapse
of the talks
The collapse
of the talks has been a result of failed Regional and Continental
leadership on Zimbabwe. The consequences of resolving the Zimbabwe
crisis outside of talks and dialogue are too ghastly to contemplate.
Indeed, dialogue is critical for any process that seeks to create
a democratic dispensation.
However, that
dialogue needs to be guided and underpinned by democratic values,
and this is what has been lacking from all sides in the talks in
Zimbabwe. The facilitators and the guarantors of the agreement such
as the SADC and the AU, have demonstrated a lack of principled stand
on Zimbabwe and Robert Mugabe, particularly their ambivalence on
the election of Mugabe in the sham elections of 27 June. In fact,
from as far back as the March 29 elections, Regional and Continental
leaders have been reluctant to invoke the democratic principles
and values espoused by our own continent when the ZEC refused to
announce the results and violence was unleashed on MDC and civil
society activists. Even in the face of condemnation of the Zimbabwe
government by African institutions, no sanctions were taken by the
African leaders to bring Robert Mugabe, his government and party
to account.
While SADC adopted
the principles and guidelines for democratic elections, the position
conferred upon Robert Mugabe as President of Zimbabwe, and accepted
at the various forums of the SADC, AU, and UN - means that
at whatever level of engagement, Mugabe is regarded as a legitimate
head of state besides the fact he has grossly disrespected the principles
of democratic elections as espoused by SADC.
The point we
are making here is that talks that should bring about a democratic
dispensation need to be underpinned by democratic values. It is
our view then that whoever engages with Robert Mugabe needs to know
and acknowledge that they are dealing with a rebel. And all forms
of pressure that are exerted on rebels to engage must be applied
on Robert Mugabe.
It is sad and
ironic that throughout these talks, the MDC T is keen to present
itself as an equal to ZANU PF - a situation where the oppressed
see themselves in the image of the oppressor. There is no way the
MDC can be equal to ZANU PF given that over 100 of its supporters
were killed since 29 March; thousands others were internally and
externally displaced; MPs were arrested while attending Parliamentary
business etc. The MDC, and the mediators as well as those guarantors,
need to see the MDC as an alternative to ZANU PF, and as a legitimate
force ZANU PF and the region need to reckon with.
The question of imperialist interest
Throughout this
presentation, we have projected the failed responsibility of African
leadership in solving the Zimbabwe crisis as an African problem.
This failure has led to a severe deterioration of the living conditions
in Zimbabwe. We have a situation right now in Zimbabwe where the
state has no relevance to the well being of its people. The state
is no longer a reference point for health, education, protection,
housing etc. Citizens from all walks of life will hook on to anything
that would make them survive - be it ethical or not, legal
or otherwise. You have people living in a state of despair, but
with a resolution to live on. This makes the people as individuals
and as a nation susceptible and vulnerable to any forms of exploitation
that present a dangling carrot.
Thus Zimbabwe,
and indeed the region as a whole, has become vulnerable to imperial
interests of all sorts - be they western, eastern southern
or northern. It is against this background that South Africa and
her citizens must strengthen their solidarity with Zimbabwe in its
struggle for a just society.
Here are a few
thoughts from some of us which we present as practical proposals
at least for South African and South Africans in showing solidarity
with Zimbabweans in the current situation.
Review
of South African policy on Zimbabwe
There is an
urgent need for South Africa to review its policy on Zimbabwe particularly
around the issues of the facilitator, former President Mbeki. There
is clear lack of confidence by Zimbabweans and other stakeholders
in Mbeki as a mediator, and if South Africa wants to be taken seriously
in the role it is playing on Zimbabwe, there must be a shift in
its approach.
Support
the proposal by Botswana
Notwithstanding
the spirit of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), whatever that
spirit was, events to date testify that the GPA is a recipe for
sustained conflict and tension in Zimbabwe. At the core of the problem
is the refusal to accept the will of the people of Zimbabwe to choose
a leader of their own choice. And this refusal is supported by the
processes that have so far been followed by SADC and the AU. South
Africa, in a policy shift that recognises the democratic rights
of the people of Zimbabwe, needs to support the proposal from Botswana
of putting in place a transitional government for 2 years to deal
with the issues of the new constitution and elections in Zimbabwe,
rather than a Government of National Unity as is the case presently.
South
Africans must hold their government accountable
South African
civil society, faith based organisations and etc need to hold South
Africa accountable for what is happening in Zimbabwe for 2 reasons:
- South Africa
is playing the role of mediator in the ongoing peace process
- South Africa
is host to the majority of Zimbabwean immigrants coming out of
Zimbabwe because of the crisis in that country
Protection
of Zimbabwean immigrants who are in South Africa
South African
civil society and faith based organisations need to be at the fore
front of defending the rights of and protecting Zimbabwean immigrants
who end up in South Africa. This is particularly important because
of the way Zimbabweans are being treated by public or state officials
in the wake of the Global Political Agreement which raised expectations
of both Zimbabweans and South Africans that it is now safe to go
back to Zimbabwe. A false sense of security was created as the GPA
means nothing to the ordinary Zimbabweans be they inside or outside
the country.
Food
Security for Zimbabwe
Whether the
GPA comes to fruition or not, South Africans from across the board,
be they state actors or non state actors, must demand that food
distribution be allowed in Zimbabwe without any hindrance. We need
to hear the South African High Commissioner to Zimbabwe speaking
into these issues, we need to hear our government speaking with
clarity on the humanitarian crisis, and we need civil society and
faith based organisations to be part of the national and regional
efforts in addressing the humanitarian crisis, especially as it
has to do with food.
Build
support and understanding of the Zimbabwe crisis in South Africa
and the Region
For a long time,
South African civil society, faith based organisations and the media
have been building support and understanding of the Zimbabwe crisis
as neighbours in need of help. This must continue, as part of the
tradition of hospitality and the fight against xenophobia, but also
as part of reclaiming our humanity - ubuntu - in Africa
and world over.
Finally, as
a Christian and a Bishop, I think we must all pray for Zimbabwe.
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
TOP
|