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This article participates on the following special index pages:

  • Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles


  • The Zimbabwe political deal: A commentary
    Bishop Rubin Phillip, Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum
    Presented at the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu Natal, Durban
    October 30, 2008

    Progress so far

    On the 15th of September 2008, 3 political parties in Zimbabwe (ZANU PF, MDC -T and MDC Mutambara) signed the Global Political Agreement which was to move Zimbabwe from a state of paralysis to a new beginning. The signing of this agreement came after a series of talks brokered by former South African President, Thabo Mbeki, acting on behalf of SADC with a Reference Group that included the AU and the UN.

    The signing of the GPA gave rise to expectations both in Zimbabwe and outside that the parties involved would urgently get down to the serious business of implementing the agreement and moving the country from a state of paralysis to the new beginning. Regrettably, the situation in Zimbabwe at the moment is worse off than it was on 15 September when the GPA was signed, and indeed worse off than it was when the MoU that set the framework for the talks that led to 15 September.

    • 4 weeks after the signing of the GPA, 2 civil society leaders - Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu are languishing in prison. They were incarcerated on 16 October up to today, denied bail for expressing the view that there is a national disaster in Zimbabwe and that food must be given to all the people.
    • 120 people are reported to have died of cholera in Zimbabwe between February and October 2008; at least 25% of these died since the GPA was signed.
    • The food situation in the country has been deteriorating further since the signing of the agreement.

    The signing of the agreement has not had a positive impact on the people of Zimbabwe; it has not enabled Zimbabwe to be restored to normalcy at the polical, social and economic levels. The single most important expectation from the signing of the agreement had been the restoration of normalcy in Zimbabwe's political arena. The restoration of normalcy in the political arena is seen as the key to resolving all the other aspects of the crisis bedevilling Zimbabwe. What we have had instead since the agreement was signed has been talks and talks about the agreement. On Monday 27 October, the world learnt that the talks on the implementation of the agreement had collapsed.

    Collapse of the talks

    The collapse of the talks has been a result of failed Regional and Continental leadership on Zimbabwe. The consequences of resolving the Zimbabwe crisis outside of talks and dialogue are too ghastly to contemplate. Indeed, dialogue is critical for any process that seeks to create a democratic dispensation.

    However, that dialogue needs to be guided and underpinned by democratic values, and this is what has been lacking from all sides in the talks in Zimbabwe. The facilitators and the guarantors of the agreement such as the SADC and the AU, have demonstrated a lack of principled stand on Zimbabwe and Robert Mugabe, particularly their ambivalence on the election of Mugabe in the sham elections of 27 June. In fact, from as far back as the March 29 elections, Regional and Continental leaders have been reluctant to invoke the democratic principles and values espoused by our own continent when the ZEC refused to announce the results and violence was unleashed on MDC and civil society activists. Even in the face of condemnation of the Zimbabwe government by African institutions, no sanctions were taken by the African leaders to bring Robert Mugabe, his government and party to account.

    While SADC adopted the principles and guidelines for democratic elections, the position conferred upon Robert Mugabe as President of Zimbabwe, and accepted at the various forums of the SADC, AU, and UN - means that at whatever level of engagement, Mugabe is regarded as a legitimate head of state besides the fact he has grossly disrespected the principles of democratic elections as espoused by SADC.

    The point we are making here is that talks that should bring about a democratic dispensation need to be underpinned by democratic values. It is our view then that whoever engages with Robert Mugabe needs to know and acknowledge that they are dealing with a rebel. And all forms of pressure that are exerted on rebels to engage must be applied on Robert Mugabe.

    It is sad and ironic that throughout these talks, the MDC T is keen to present itself as an equal to ZANU PF - a situation where the oppressed see themselves in the image of the oppressor. There is no way the MDC can be equal to ZANU PF given that over 100 of its supporters were killed since 29 March; thousands others were internally and externally displaced; MPs were arrested while attending Parliamentary business etc. The MDC, and the mediators as well as those guarantors, need to see the MDC as an alternative to ZANU PF, and as a legitimate force ZANU PF and the region need to reckon with.

    The question of imperialist interest

    Throughout this presentation, we have projected the failed responsibility of African leadership in solving the Zimbabwe crisis as an African problem. This failure has led to a severe deterioration of the living conditions in Zimbabwe. We have a situation right now in Zimbabwe where the state has no relevance to the well being of its people. The state is no longer a reference point for health, education, protection, housing etc. Citizens from all walks of life will hook on to anything that would make them survive - be it ethical or not, legal or otherwise. You have people living in a state of despair, but with a resolution to live on. This makes the people as individuals and as a nation susceptible and vulnerable to any forms of exploitation that present a dangling carrot.

    Thus Zimbabwe, and indeed the region as a whole, has become vulnerable to imperial interests of all sorts - be they western, eastern southern or northern. It is against this background that South Africa and her citizens must strengthen their solidarity with Zimbabwe in its struggle for a just society.

    Here are a few thoughts from some of us which we present as practical proposals at least for South African and South Africans in showing solidarity with Zimbabweans in the current situation.

    Review of South African policy on Zimbabwe

    There is an urgent need for South Africa to review its policy on Zimbabwe particularly around the issues of the facilitator, former President Mbeki. There is clear lack of confidence by Zimbabweans and other stakeholders in Mbeki as a mediator, and if South Africa wants to be taken seriously in the role it is playing on Zimbabwe, there must be a shift in its approach.

    Support the proposal by Botswana

    Notwithstanding the spirit of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), whatever that spirit was, events to date testify that the GPA is a recipe for sustained conflict and tension in Zimbabwe. At the core of the problem is the refusal to accept the will of the people of Zimbabwe to choose a leader of their own choice. And this refusal is supported by the processes that have so far been followed by SADC and the AU. South Africa, in a policy shift that recognises the democratic rights of the people of Zimbabwe, needs to support the proposal from Botswana of putting in place a transitional government for 2 years to deal with the issues of the new constitution and elections in Zimbabwe, rather than a Government of National Unity as is the case presently.

    South Africans must hold their government accountable

    South African civil society, faith based organisations and etc need to hold South Africa accountable for what is happening in Zimbabwe for 2 reasons:

    1. South Africa is playing the role of mediator in the ongoing peace process
    2. South Africa is host to the majority of Zimbabwean immigrants coming out of Zimbabwe because of the crisis in that country

    Protection of Zimbabwean immigrants who are in South Africa

    South African civil society and faith based organisations need to be at the fore front of defending the rights of and protecting Zimbabwean immigrants who end up in South Africa. This is particularly important because of the way Zimbabweans are being treated by public or state officials in the wake of the Global Political Agreement which raised expectations of both Zimbabweans and South Africans that it is now safe to go back to Zimbabwe. A false sense of security was created as the GPA means nothing to the ordinary Zimbabweans be they inside or outside the country.

    Food Security for Zimbabwe

    Whether the GPA comes to fruition or not, South Africans from across the board, be they state actors or non state actors, must demand that food distribution be allowed in Zimbabwe without any hindrance. We need to hear the South African High Commissioner to Zimbabwe speaking into these issues, we need to hear our government speaking with clarity on the humanitarian crisis, and we need civil society and faith based organisations to be part of the national and regional efforts in addressing the humanitarian crisis, especially as it has to do with food.

    Build support and understanding of the Zimbabwe crisis in South Africa and the Region

    For a long time, South African civil society, faith based organisations and the media have been building support and understanding of the Zimbabwe crisis as neighbours in need of help. This must continue, as part of the tradition of hospitality and the fight against xenophobia, but also as part of reclaiming our humanity - ubuntu - in Africa and world over.

    Finally, as a Christian and a Bishop, I think we must all pray for Zimbabwe.

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